The Kacháris

THE LIBRARY

OF

THE UNIVERSITY
OF CALIFORNIA

LOS ANGELES

f

0<3

THE KACHARIS

MACMILLAN AND CO., LIMITED

LONDON . BOMBAY . CALCUTTA
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ATLANTA . SAN FRANCISCO

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TORONTO

S. ENDLE.

l-'roin a Photograph by Messrs. Bourne &> Shepherd.

THE KACHARIS

BY THE LATE

REV. SIDNEY ENDLE

For many years Chaplain of Tezpur and in charge of

the Kachdri Mission of the Society for the

Propagation of the Gospel at that place.

WITH AN INTRODUCTION BY
J. D. ANDERSON, I.C.S. (RETIRED)

Published under the orders of the Government of Eastern
Bengal and Assam

MACMILLAN AND CO., LIMITED
ST. MARTIN'S STREET, LONDON

191 1

RICHARD CLAY AND SONS, LTD.,

BRUNSWICK ST., STAMFORD ST., S.E.

AND BUNGAY, SUFFOLK.

College
Library

35S

N.B. — The Editorial Notes in this volume are from the pen
of Colonel P. R. T. Gurdon, LA., Director of Ethnology to
the Government of Eastern Bengal and Assam.

1116269

CONTENTS

SECTION I

PACK

CHARACTERISTICS, PHYSICAL AND MORAL ; ORIGIN, DISTRIBUTION

AND HISTORIC SUMMARY, ETC 1

SECTION II
SOCIAL AND DOMESTIC LIFE 11

SECTION III
LAWS AND CUSTOMS 24

SECTION IV
RELIGION 33

SECTION V
FOLK-LORE, TRADITIONS AND SUPERSTITIONS 54

SECTION VI
OUTLINE GRAMMAR, ETC 71

APPENDIX I. TRIBES CLOSELY ALLIED TO KACHARIS 81

APPENDIX II. SPECIMENS OF THE BODO LANGUAGE 97

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

S. ENDLE. From a Photograph by Messrs. Bourne & Shepherd Frontispiece

GROUP OF MECHES (Goalpara District). From a Photograph

by Mr. T. E. Emerson To face p. 5

KACHARI WOMAN WEAVING (Kamrup) ,, 20

KACHARI CLOTHES ,, 21

KACHARI WOMEN FISHING (Kamrup). From a Photograph

by Mrs. H. A. Colquhoun ,, 22

KACHARI GIELS PLAYING JEW'S HARP (Gongina). From a

Photograph by Mrs. H. A. Colquhoun ,, 30

Suu TREE (Euphorbia splendens). From a Photograph by

Mrs. H. A. Colquhoun ,, 36

KACHARI VILLAGE INTERIOR (Kamrup District). From a

Photograph by Mrs. H. A. Colquhoun ,, 56

KACHARI GIRL (Kamrup District). From a Photograph by

Mrs. H. A. Colquhoun ,, 67

GORGE OF THE RIVER MANAS. From a Photograph by Mrs.

H. A. Colquhoun ,, %

KACHARI MAN (Kamrup District). From a Photograph by

Mrs. H. A. Colquhoun ,, 105

GROUP OF KACHARI MEN (Kamrup District). From a

Photograph by Mrs. H. A. Colquhoun ,, 113

IN COLOUR

KACHARI MAN To face p. 10

KACHARI GIRL FISHIM; ,, 16

KACHARI WOMAN ,, 60

MECH GIRL ,, 82

MAP SHOWING AREA OCCUPIED BY THE BODO RACES At end of Volume

INTRODUCTION

IT is with some diffidence that I comply with Colonel
Gurdon's request that I should add a few words of preface and
explanation to the last literary work of an old friend and pastor,
whose loss will long be lamented in the Assam Valley, where he
laboured as a missionary and planter's chaplain for upwards of
forty years. Mr. Endle's interest in his Kachari flock was that
of an evangelist rather than that of a linguist or ethnologist,
and this preoccupation has coloured his style and affected the
matter of his book in a way that, however pleasant and natural
it may seem to those who had the privilege of his acquaintance,
may perhaps require a few words of explanation for the benefit
of those who look for anthropology only, or linguistics, in his
pages.

My first duty, then, is to say a few words about the author's
life and character. Sidney Endle was born about 1840 at
Totnes in Devon, of sturdy yeoman parentage. His grandfather
was, it seems, proud of being an armiger, and it is a family
tradition that many Endles figured in the ranks of the Catholic
clergy of the West country. Mr. Endle was educated at Totnes
Grammar School, under the Rev. James Povvney, and early
conceived a wish to enter the ministry of the Church of England,
and serve abroad as a missionary. With this view he entered
St. Augustine's College at Canterbury. Unfortunately the
College seems to have kept no written record of the dates
at which one of the most distinguished and devoted of its pupils
entered and left its roof. It was in February, 1864, however,
that he was sent by the Society for the Propagation of the
Gospel to Tezpur, in Assam, to be the assistant of
Mr. Hesselmyer, then in charge of the Kachari mission at
that place. In 1865 he was ordained deacon by the Bishop of

xii INTRODUCTION

Calcutta, and in the following year he was admitted to priest's
orders. Soon after he was transferred to the independent
charge of the S.P.G. mission among the tea-garden coolies at
Dibrugarh in Upper Assam. In 1869, on Mr. Hesselmyer's
death; Mr. Endle was made chaplain of the important tea-
planting district of Darrang, with the charge of the Kachari
mission in that district, having his head-quarters at Tezpur.
His pastoral duties were thus two-fold. On the one hand, he
became the pastor of an European community scattered over
an area some 100 miles in length by 30 or 40 in breadth. It
was his duty to gather his flock round him at some convenient
tea-garden, or at the pretty little rustic church at Tezpur itself,
where his congregation included the small band of officials. He
was everywhere welcome, and it was not long before he was as
popular as he was respected. One of the most unworldly and
simple of men, almost an ascetic in his personal tastes and
habits, he could sympathise with and understand men whose
training and ideas were different from his. He had a native
shrewdness and quiet sense of humour which stood him in good
stead in his dealings with men probably as varied in their
origins and temperament as are to be found in any collection of
Englishmen beyond the seas. His sermons — and he could
preach with equal ease and eloquence in English, Assamese,
and Kachari — were ever those of a man who to shrewd
observation of the various life about him, native and European,
added an unwavering devotion to the responsibilities of his
calling. Authoritative, and even stern, he could be when he
thought it needful to assert his responsibility as a priest.
But, somehow, the occasion rarely occurred, since his was
not the disposition that demands impossible perfection of
ordinary human nature. There was no touch of intolerance in
his gentle and (there is no other word to describe him) saintly
nature. I think he would have liked to have it said of him
that, like Chaucer's Parson,

He was a shepherd and no mercenerie.
And though he holy were and vertuous,
He was to simple men not dispitous,
Ne of his speech dangerous ne digne,
But in his teaching discrete and benigne.

INTRODUCTION xiii

Innumerable were the marriages and christenings he
celebrated in all parts of Assam, and it was characteristic of
the man that he regarded it as a duty to keep himself informed
of the welfare, spiritual and physical, of the children he held
at the font. During his rare visits to England he endeavoured
when he was not busy preaching for his mission, to visit those
whom in their infancy he had admitted to his Church. Few
chaplains in India can have been so universally popular and
respected as he was, and this without in any way relaxing from
the dignity which, in his case, belonged rather to his sacred
office than to any consideration for his own person.

But he made no secret of the fact that his heart was chiefly
in his missionary work among his beloved Kacharis. The
Bodos of the Kachari dwars (the dwars or " doors " of the
Kachari plains are the passes that lead into the rough mountains
of independent Bhutan) are, like most of the aboriginal races
of Assam, cheery, good-natured, semi-savage folk ; candid,
simple, trustful, but incorrigibly disrespectful according to
Indian notions of good manners. To a casual observer, they
may well have seemed incapable of comprehending the gentle
reserve and unaffected unselfishness of their pastor's nature.
Among them, however, it was his delight to unbend, and give
way to the almost boyish simplicity and sense of fun which to
the last were among his most engaging traits. When Mr.
Endle approached a Kachari village during one of the prolonged
preaching tours which were to him at once a duty and the
keenest of pleasures, he was always greeted with a joyous
and often noisy welcome. He travelled on foot, and the
villagers would turn out to see the gdmi-ni-brai, the " old man
of the village," as they affectionately called him. He was often
cordially invited to share in the village festivities, and it was
an interesting sight to watch him seated in the midst of rough
semi-savage folk, listening to the tale of their simple joys and
sorrows, enjoying their primitive jokes, and, when occasion
served, talking to them, as probably no one else will ever be able
to talk to them again, of the matters nearest to the missionary's
heart.

In all parts of the Kachari country, Mr. Endle established
many village schools, served by trusty converts. But his chief

xiv INTRODUCTION

pride was in the church he built at Bengbari, which, to his
great joy, was consecrated by Bishop Milman in person.
Under its thatched roof has now been placed a tablet to the
memory of its founder.

No account of Mr. Endle's life, however brief, would be
complete without a mention of the fact that in 1875 he married
Miss Sarah Ewbank Chambers, who for twenty years shared
his pastoral anxieties. Mrs. Endle was much respected by the
European community throughout Assam, and her sudden death
in Calcutta in 1895 was universally regretted. How sorely
her husband felt her loss, not even those who knew him best
were allowed to guess, but it was plain that, from this time
onwards, much of his old elasticity of mind and body deserted
him, and though he continued his work with unabated industry
the effects of age began for the first time to be apparent to
his friends. In 1884 Mr. Endle compiled his well-known
manual of the Kachari language, published by the Assam
Secretariat Press. From time to time he contributed papers on
the subject of the Bodo people to the Transactions of the Asiatic
Society of Bengal. In 1891 he was elected an Honorary Fellow
of St. Augustine's College, in recognition of his linguistic
studies and of his eminence as a worker in the mission field.
In 1906 he was offered a canon ry by the Bishop of Calcutta, but
characteristically refused a dignity which might have involved
absences from his missionary duties.

Such, briefly told, are the few outstanding events in a life
wholly devoted to pastoral work, of which little was known
outside his native flock. It was Mr. Endle's repeatedly
expressed wish that he might end his life and be laid to rest
among his Kacharis. This wish was not fulfilled. Towards
the end of 1905 it was evident that his persistent disregard of
his personal comfort in an enervating climate had taxed a
naturally robust constitution. He was induced with some
difficulty to pay a brief visit to England for rest and change.
He spent this holiday chiefly in preaching for his mission and
visiting old friends. He was soon, perhaps too soon, back at
his work. It could no longer be hidden from himself or others
that he had overtaxed his strength. This, however, caused
him no disquietude. He had done his day's work, and was

INTRODUCTION xv

cheerfully ready to take his departure. In July 1907, he
could struggle no longer against growing weakness, and was
placed on one of the little mail steamers that ply up and down
the Brahmaputra, in the hope that river breezes, rest, and
change of scene might bring about some restoration to health.
He himself, however, knew that his end was near, and he
passed away, painlessly and peacefully, on the river bank at
Dibrugarh, close to the scene of his first independent missionary
charge, entrusted to him more than forty years before.

So much by way of biographical introduction seemed
necessary, not only as an inadequate and too brief memorial of
a singularly unselfish and blameless career, but also as an
explanation of some features in Mr. Endle's book not usually
found in anthropological manuals. Of the subject of the book
itself I may now be allowed to say a few words, if only to show
that it has an interest and importance, from an ethnological
point of view, which are perhaps disguised by the author's
characteristically modest estimate of his task and of his power
of dealing with it. The book is, primarily, a monograph treat-
ing of that branch of the Kachari race which lives in
scattered hamlets along the foot-hills of the Himalayas in
Northern Bengal and Assam, intermixed now with Hindu
people who have intruded into what was once their undisputed
home. In Assam proper the Hindus call them Kacharis ; in
Bengal they are known as Meches.1 Their own name for their
race is Boro or Bodo (the o has the sound of the English o in
" hot "). Among this northern branch of the race is embedded
the tribe of the Koch, whose name is pronounced locally as if
it were Koss, (to rhyme with our English " boss "). (Kachari,
I may mention in passing, is also pronounced as Koss-ari.)
The Koch have gradually become a semi-Hindu caste, most
of whose members now talk the Indian Bengali or Assamese.
It also contains the surviving remnants of the royal family of
the great and powerful Koch empire, which, roughly, covered
the same area as the present province of Eastern Bengal and
Assam. It can be proved that the aboriginal members of the
Koch caste within quite recent times spoke the Boro language.

1 Mech, sc. Mleccha, barbarian, one who is ignorant of civilised speech.

xvi INTRODUCTION

In the East of the Assam Valley was another powerful kingdom,
that of the Chutiyas, whose language was another branch of the
speech described in this book. The river names of the whole
Brahmaputra Valley are Bodo names, and it is demonstrable
that the Bodos were the aborigines of the Valley. In the
great mass of hills, an outlying spur of the mountains of Upper
Burma, which divide the Brahmaputra Valley from that of
the river Surma which runs parallel to it from east to west
are two more Bodo groups. The most eastern of these comprises
the Di-ma-sa, Great-River-Folk (di- means " river " or " water,")
people who were driven out of the valley of the great river
Brahmaputra in historical times, and finally became rulers of
what is now the great tea-planting district of Cachar or Kachar.
They either gave its name to or perhaps derived their Hindu
soubriquet of Kachari from this district. Of this branch of the
race an interesting description will be found in the supplement
to this book. At the western extremity of the range of hills is
another group, the Garos, of whom an excellent account has
lately been published by Major A. Playfair, I.A. (London, David
Nutt, 1909). The Garos are of peculiar interest as members
of the Bodo family, because they were head-hunters within the
memory of men still living.

Finally in the range of hills in the south of the Surma Valley,
there are the Tipperahs whose language is obviously a branch
of the ancient Bodo speech ; quiet inoffensive people, ruled over
by a semi-independent Raja who is also a great land-owner in
the British districts of Tipperah and Sylhet.

Now, the anthropologists rightly caution us against rashly
concluding that a common speech, where races are in contact,
implies a common origin, since everywhere, and especially among
people who use an unwritten language, nothing is more common
than the borrowing of a neighbouring tongue. But where, as
here, we have five absolutely separate communities of semi-
savage people, who nowadays are not so much as aware of one
another's existence, and yet speak what is to all purposes the
same language, it is plain that they must have been united at
no very distant date by some common social bond. The date
cannot have been very distant, because in the unwritten speech
of semi-savage people phonetic decay acts very rapidly, and a

INTRODUCTION xvii

very few years may serve to disguise the relationships of
adjacent and cognate tongues. No one who has heard members
of the five branches of the Bodo race speak their respective
languages can fail to recognise that they belong to the same
linguistic group. Moreover, this common Bodo speech was,
till within a few years ago, the language of the Koches, the
dominant and ruling tribe in the great Koch kingdom, which
survived, with something of its ancient prestige and power,
long enough to be visited by an Englishman, Ralph Fitch, in
Queen Elizabeth's time. It would seem, then, that the language
spoken in the ancient Koch kingdom, which extended from the
Himalayas to the Bay of Bengal, was the Koch or Bodo
language, and the mass of the people must have been of Bodo
origin. In the Brahmaputra valley these Bodos have survived
in the midst of Hindu and Shan invaders and settlers, of whom
those who are interested in the subject may read in Mr. E. A. Gait's
admirable History of Assam, (Calcutta, Thacker, Spink and Co.,
1906). Here the anthropologist may come to the rescue of
the historian. The Bodo type of face and physical construc-
tion is, as Mr. Endle says, of an Indo-Chinese kind, easily
distinguishable from the Arya-Dravidian type common in
adjacent Bengal, and careful measurements in the Brahmaputra
and Surma Valleys ought to show how far the old Koch element
still persists, how far it has been obliterated by inter-marriage
with Indian immigrants.

It may, however, be assumed that the population of the
Koch kingdom, and therefore of its predecessor, the famous
classical empire of Kama-rupa, of which Sanskrit scholars may
read in the Mahabharata (perhaps in a late interpolation in the
epic) was chiefly Bodo, of the same type as the humble folk who
are the subject of Mr. Endle's book. Kama-rupa was visited in
the first half of the seventh century of our era by the famous
Chinese traveller Hiuen Tsiang, whose interesting account of the
land and people may be found at page 22 of Mr. Gait's History.
" They adore and sacrifice," says the Chinese explorer, " to the
Devas and have no faith in Buddha."

It was apparently in the kingdom of Kama-rupa that there
came into being that form of Hinduism whose scriptures are
the later Puranas and the Tantras, the worship of Siva and his

b

xviii INTRODUCTION

Sakti, that form of the Hindu cult which, to this day and even
in the temple of Kali-ghat in Calcutta itself, is distinguished
by sacrifice by decapitation. In the earlier times of British
rule, as readers of Mr. Gait's book may find for themselves, the
Hindus of Assam were much addicted to human sacrifice by
beheading, and, to this day, the appropriate method of pro-
pitiating the terrible goddess Kali, the " dark one " (who is also
Dur-ga, "hard of approach "), is by bloody sacrifices. The Saiva
or Sakta form of Hinduism would therefore seem to be due to
an engrafting of Koch superstitions on the purer and humaner
religious ideas imported into India by the Aryan settlers to
whom we owe the Vedas and the religious literature based on
those early pastoral hymns. From this point of view, it is
important to bear in mind that the Garos were till lately
headhunters, and that the Chutiyas were conspicuous, even in
North-Eastern India, for their addiction to human sacrifices.

How does it happen then, it may be asked, that the Bodos
described in this book are among the most innocent and kindly
of semi-savage people ? The answer seems to be that the bulk
of the inhabitants of North-Eastern India were always simple
inoffensive folk, and that it was only the ruling tribes and
families that were addicted to war, rapine, torture, cruelty, and
the religious developments that go with these. If Assam is
undoubtedly still the home of the Tantrik beliefs which have their
centre at the famous shrine of Kamaksa at the old capital of
the Koch monarchs (now known as Gua-hati or Gauhati), Assam
is also the home of the Visnu-ite reform, an attractive and
learned account of which will be found in a paper by Sir Charles
N. E. Eliot, published in the "Journal of the Royal Asiatic
Society " for October, 1910. The common people in Assam, the
rustic Hindus of the Brahmaputra Valley, are in temperament
and habits very like the cheerful and smiling Bodo folk among
whom Mr. Endle laboured, and of whom he writes with such
frank regard and appreciation. The climate of the valley is
enervating and soft, and any traveller in Assam can see for
himself how the once fierce and warlike Ahom invaders, who
gave its name to the country of Assam, have become as soft and
kindly in disposition as the Kacharis themselves. No more
remarkable instance of the effect of environment on national

INTRODUCTION xix

temperament could be found anywhere, and the anthropological
theories of Dr. Ridgeway could hardly have a more remarkable
support than he might find by contrasting the semi-savage
inhabitants of the Brahmaputra Valley with the bloodthirsty and
warlike tribes in the surrounding mountains, their neighbours
and relatives.

I have only to say, finally, that I have added, as an Appendix
to my old friend's book, a literal interlinear translation of three
stories from my little Collection of Kachari Folk-tales. In
adding these I have followed the example set by Sir Charles
Lyall in his monograph on the Mikirs. By means of this inter-
linear and word-for-word translation, the comparative linguist
may see for himself how far Kachdri is still a monosyllabic
agglutinative language, and how far it has borrowed the
inflectional mechanism of Assamese and Bengali. There has,
of course, been mutual borrowing, and I, for one, do not doubt
that the syntactical peculiarities of Assamese are largely due to
the fact that it is a speech with an Aryan vocabulary spoken by
a people who are largely non-Aryan. Any careful reader of the
stories in this book can see for himself that the Bodo spoken in
the Kachdri dwars is the language of a biglot people. Their
picturesque agglutinative verb is plainly a survival of days when
the language was as monosyllabic as Chinese. But the general
structure of the language is now governed by inflections
obviously borrowed from Bengali and Assamese.

J. D. ANDERSON.

CAMBRIDGE,

December, 1910.

THE KACHARIS

SECTION I

CHARACTERISTICS, PHYSICAL AND MORAL ; ORIGIN,
DISTRIBUTION AND HISTORIC SUMMARY, ETC.

1. 1. THE people generally known to us as " Kacharis " differ Charac-
in some material ways from their Hindu and Musulman tens1
neighbours alike in things material and moral. They are
certainly not a tall or handsome race, and in general appearance

bear some resemblance to the Nepali, being as a rule shorter
and stouter than the people of North-west India, though well
fitted to bear up against physical fatigue and hardship. In Physical
face and figure they show a distinct approximation to what
is known as the Mongolian type, i.e., they have square set faces,
projecting cheek-bones, with almond-shaped eyes, and scanty
beard and moustache, the last-mentioned being often wanting
altogether. In this way they are well fitted for all forms of
outdoor (field and factory) labour that require strength rather
than skill, and may very reasonably be regarded as the
" navvies " of Assam.

2. In mental and intellectual power they are undoubtedly far Mental,
below their Hindu neighbours ; for they possess neither the
quickness of apprehension, nor the astonishing power of memory,

&c., characteristic of the higher castes among the Hindus.
On the other hand, what they do succeed in mastering, often
with much toil and painful effort, they digest and retain with
much tenacity. Among other social and mental features
of character there are two which are seldom wanting to the

B

2 THE KACHARIS SECT.

" Kachari " : (1) he is an intensely clannish being. A fine
imposed on one member of a village community is sometimes
paid by the whole body of villagers together. When employed
in any considerable numbers on a tea factory, the Kachari
labourers so employed, resenting some real or fancied wrong done
to one of their number, will often leave the garden in a body,
even though there may be a month's pay due to every one
of them. Again they have (2) no small share of that quality
so powerful for good or evil, according as it is guided into right
or wrong channels, i.e., a certain strength of will, " what their
friends might call firmness, and their enemies might term
obstinacy." If they once make up their minds, and they are
abundantly capable of doing this, to act in a certain way, it is
mere waste of time to attempt to reason them out of their
resolution, for nothing short of absolute and overpowering
physical force is of any avail to turn them from the course they
have once for all resolved to adopt and act upon.

3. As regards the moral character of the Kachari race, those
who know them best will be the first to speak favourably of
them. Like many of the Sub-Himalayan hill tribes, they
undoubtedly have a certain weakness for what may be looked
upon as their national beverage (Madh, zu), a form of rice-
beer. Of this, in itself a comparatively harmless liquor when
taken in moderation, they at times consume very large
quantities, especially at weddings, funerals, and at the
January and April Bihu festivals; and more particularly at
what is known as the " first eating of the new rice " (Nowdn bhdt
khoa ; Mikham g&dan zdnai), which usually takes place about
the middle of December or a little earlier. At this last-
mentioned gathering the writer has sometimes seen well-nigh
the entire population of a Kachari village hors de combat from
the effect of over-indulgence in the national beverage. But
they are certainly not habitual drunkards, and in this matter
Kacharis as a rule would compare not unfavourably with the
working man in more civilised lands; e.g., in England. But
apart from this particular failing, one almost universal among
hill tribes on this frontier, it is pleasing to be able to say that
among them are to be found many simple virtues of great
price, i.e., honesty, truthfulness, straightforwardness and a

I CHARACTERISTICS, PHYSICAL AND MORAL 3

general trustworthiness deserving of all honour. In illustration
of their simple truthfulness, even when involving serious
consequences to themselves, the writer recalls a story told him
some years ago by an officer in charge of the subdivision
of Mangaldai, the late A. J. Primrose, I.C.S. A Kachari of
Sekhar Mauza was brought before this magistrate on a charge
(manslaughter) involving a very heavy penalty, when he
without hesitation admitted his guilt, though the evidence
against him was of the slightest, or at least utterly insufficient
to secure a conviction. The relations of the sexes too are on the
whole of a very sound and wholesome character, far more so
probably than in many countries boasting of a higher
civilisation. Infant marriage is as yet unknown among them,
and so far as the present writer has been able to ascertain
during the past forty years, the young people are as a rule chaste
before marriage and true to their marriage vows in after-life.
But it must be clearly understood that all this holds good of
the Kachari in his simple, patriarchal, village life, and there
only. His innocence is the innocence of ignorance, not the
innocence of experience : and he is as a rule free from certain
forms of evil because in his village life he has never come under
any temptation to indulge in them. When contaminated
by civilization, e.g., when brought into contact with our civil
and criminal courts, much of this innocence must inevitably
disappear ; and of this sad deterioration of character any man
who has been long in the country, and learnt to know the
people well, must have experienced many melancholy and
painful illustrations.

II. The origin of the Kachari race is still very largely Origin,
a matter of conjecture and inference, in the absence of anything &c-
entitled to be regarded as authentic history. As remarked
above, in feature and general appearance they approximate very
closely to the Mongolian type ; and this would seem to point
to Tibet and China as the original home of the race. The
Garos, a race obviously near of kin to the Kacharis, have
a tradition that in the dim and distant past their forefathers,
i.e., nine headmen, the offspring of a Hindu fakir and a Tibetan
woman, came down from the northern mountains, and. after
a halt at Koch-Behar, made their way to Jogighopa, and thence

4 THE KACHARIS SECT.

across the Brahmaputra to Dalgoma, and so finally into the Garo
Hills. It is not easy to say what degree of value is to be
attached to this tradition, but it does at least suggest a line
of inquiry that might well be followed up with advantage.1

It is possible that there were at least two great immigrations
from the north and north-east into the rich valley of the
Brahmaputra, i.e., one entering North-east Bengal and Western
Assam through the valley of the Tista, Dharla, Sankosh, &c.,
and founding there what was formerly the powerful kingdom
of Kamarupa; and the other making its way through the
Subansiri, Dibong and Dihong valleys into Eastern Assam,
where a branch of the widespread Kachari race, known as
Chutiyas, undoubtedly held sway for a lengthened period.
The capital quarters of this last-mentioned people (the Chutiyas)
was at or near the modern Sadiya, not far from which certain
ruins of much interest, including a copper-roofed temple
(Tdmdr ghar), are still to be seen. It is indeed not at all
unlikely that the people known to us as Kacharis and to
themselves as Bada (Bara), were in earlier days the dominant
race in Assam; and as such they would seem to have left traces
of this domination in the nomenclature of some of the physical
features of the country, e.g., the Kachari word for water (di;d8i)
apparently forms the first syllable of the names of many of the
chief rivers of the province, such as Diputa, Dihong, Dibong,
Dibru, Dihing, Dimu, Desang, Diku (cf. khu Tista), &c., and
to these may be added Dikrang, Diphu, Digaru, &c., all near
Sadiya, the earliest known centre of Chutiya (Kachari) power
and civilisation.

III. But however this may be, there would seem to be good
reason for believing that the Kachari (Bada) race is a much
more widely distributed one than it was at one time supposed
to be. They are undoubtedly found well outside the
limits of modern (political) Assam, i.e., in North-east Bengal
Koch-Behar, &c., and also in Hill Tippera, where the language
of the people gives decisive evidence that they are of the Bada
stock. But apart from these outlying members of the race,
there are within the limits of Assam itself at least 1,000,000

1 Some interesting remarks on this subject will be found in the Garo
monograph. — [Ed. ]

I CHARACTERISTICS, PHYSICAL AND MORAL 5

souls, probably many more, who belong to the Kachari race ;
though many of the number have of late years become more or
less Hinduised, and have lost the use of their mother tongue.
These may perhaps be conveniently divided into a (1) Northern
and (2) a Southern group, the Brahmaputra being taken
roughly as the dividing line, thus : —

Name.

Approximate
numbers.

Chief habitat.

I. Nc
1. BAra (Kachari)

trthern Group
272,500

31,370
93,900
(See Bryan
Hodgson)
10,300

15-18 fami-
lies only

uthern Group

15,931
2,750
40,160

150,000

8,766

105,850

Western Darrang, Kachari
Duars, and in North
Kamrup.
Goalpara.
Do.
North-east Bengal.

On Northern Frontier from
Jalpaiguri to North-
west Darrang.
Only in Mangaldai Sub-
division.
Western Darrang. All
slightly Hinduised Ka-
charis.

North Cachar Hills.
Do. and Nowgong.
South-west Nowgong and
adjoining districts.
On Garo Hills and at foot
of same.
On plains adjoining south-
ern slope of the Garo
Hills.
Hill Tippera, &c.

2. Rabhd (Totala)

3. Mech(Mes)

4 Dhiroal

5. Koch

6. Solanimivas

7. Mahaliyas "j
Phulgariyas >

Saraniyas J

II. So

1. Di-ma-sa "big- water-folk"...
2. Hojais

3. Lalungs

4. Garos

5. Hai jongs

6. Hill Tippera (Tripura) people

To these may be added one or two smaller communities, e.g.,
the Morans and the Chutiyas in Upper Assam, whose language,
not altogether extinct as yet though apparently dying out
rapidly, would seem to prove them to be closely akin to the
Kachari (Bada) race.

IV. The only branch of this widely spread race that may be Historic
said to have anything like an authentic history is that settled Sketch-
in what is known is the once powerful kingdom of Kamarupa
(Koch), the reigning family of which is now represented by the

6 THE KACHARIS SECT.

Rajas of Koch-Behar, Bijni, Darrang (Mangaldai) and Beltola.
But on the history of this (the Western) section of the Kachari
race there is no need to dwell, as it was very effectively dealt
with some few years ago.1 But the earliest historical notices
of the Eastern branch of the race show that under the name of
Chutiyas they had established a powerful kingdom in the
Eastern corner of the Province, the seat of Government being
at or near the modern Sadiya. How long this kingdom existed
it is now impossible to say; but what is known with some
degree of certainty is, that they were engaged in a prolonged
struggle with the Ahoms, a section of the great Shan (Tai)
race, who crossed the Patkoi Hills from the South and East
about A.D. 1228, and at once subdued the Morans, Borahis,
and other Kachari tribes living near the Northern slope of
these hills. With the Chutiyas the strife would seem to have
been a long and bitter one, lasting for some 150 or 200 years.
But in the end the victory remained with the Ahoms, who
drove their opponents to take refuge in or about Dimapur on
the Dhansiri at the foot of the Naga Hills. There for a time
the fugitives were in comparative security and they appear to
have attained to a certain measure of material civilisation, a
state of things to which some interesting remains of buildings
(never as yet properly explored) seem to bear direct and lasting
witness. Eventually, however, their ancient foes followed them
up to their new capital, and about the middle of the sixteenth
century the Ahoms succeeded in capturing and sacking
Dimapur itself. The Kachdri Raja thereupon removed his
court to Maibong (" much paddy "), where the dynasty would
seem to have maintained itself for some two centuries. Finally,
however, under pressure of an attack by the Jaintia Raja the
Kachari sovereign withdrew from Maibong to Khaspur in
Kachar (circa 1750 A.D.). There they seem to have come
more and more under Hindu influence, until about 1790 the
Raja of that period, Krishna Chandra, and his brother Govinda
Chandra made a public profession of Brahminism. They were
both placed for a time inside the body of a large copper image
of a cow, and on emerging thence were declared by the

1 See "Koch Kings of Kamrup," by E. A. Gait, Esq., I.C.S., Assam
Secretariat Press P.O., 1895.

I CHARACTERISTICS, PHYSICAL AND MORAL 7

Brahmins to be Hindus of the Kshatriya caste, Bhlma of
Mahabharat fame being assigned to them as a mythological
ancestor. Hence to this day the Darrang Kacharis sometimes
speak of themselves as " Bhlm-nl-fsa," i.e. children of Bhim,
though as a rule they seem to attach little or no value to this
highly imaginative ancestry.

The reign of the last Kachari king, Govind Chandra, was
little better than one continuous flight from place to place
through the constant attacks of the Burmese, who finally
compelled the unhappy monarch to take refuge in the adjoining
British district of Sylhet. He was, indeed, reinstated in power
by the aid of the East India Company's troops in 1826, but
was murdered some four years later, when his kingdom became
part of the British dominions. His commander-in-chief, one
Tula Ram, was allowed to remain in possession of a portion,
of the subdivision now known as North Cachar, a region shown
in old maps of Assam as " Tula Ram Senapati's country." But
on the death of this chieftain in 1854, this remaining portion
of the old Kachari Raj was formally annexed to the district
of Nowgong.

As regards this last-mentioned migration, i.e., from Maibong
to Khaspur about A.D. 1750, and the conversion to Hinduism
which soon followed it, it would seem that the movement was only
a very limited and restricted one, confined indeed very largely
to the Raja and the members of his court. The great majority
of his people remained in the hill country, where to this day
they retain their language, religion, customs, &c., to a great
extent intact. It is not improbable, indeed, that this statement
may hold good of the earlier migrations also, i.e., those that
resulted from the prolonged struggle between the Ahoms and
the Chutiyas. When as a result of that struggle the defeated
race withdrew first to Dimapur and afterwards to Maibong, it is
not unlikely that the great body of the Chutiyas (Kacharis)
which remained in the rich valley of Assam came to terms with
their conquerors (the Ahoms) and gradually became amal-
gamated with them, much as Saxons, Danes, Normans, &c.,
slowly but surely became fused into one nationality in the
centuries following the battle of Hastings. In this way it may
well be that the Kachari race were the original autochthones

8 THE KACHARIS SECT.

of Assam, and that even now, though largely Hinduised, they
still form a large, perhaps the main, constituent element in the
permanent population of the Province. To this day one often
comes across villages bearing the name of " Kacharigaon," the
inhabitants of which are completely Hinduised, though for some
considerable time they would seem to have retained their Kachari
customs, &c., unimpaired. It may be that, whilst the great body
of the Chutiya (Kachari) race submitted to their Ahom con-
querors, the stronger and more patriotic spirits among them, influ-
enced perhaps by that intense clannishness which is so marked a
feature in the Kachari character, withdrew to less favoured parts
of the Province, where their conquerors did not care at once to
follow them up ; i.e., the Southern section of the race may have
made its way into the districts known as the Garo Hills and North
Cachar ; whilst the Northern section perhaps took up its abode
in a broad belt of country at the foot of the Bhutan Hills, still
known as the " Kachari Duars," a region which, being virtually
" Terai " land, had in earlier days a very unenviable reputation on
the score of its recognised unhealthiness. And if this view of the
matter be at all a sound one, what is known to have happened
in our own island may perhaps furnish a somewhat interesting
" historic parallel." When about the middle of the fifth century
the Romans finally withdrew from Britain, we know that
successive swarms of invaders, Jutes, Danes, Saxons, Angles, &c.,
from the countries adjoining the North and Baltic seas,
gradually overran and occupied the richer lowland of what is
now England, driving all who remained alive of the aboriginal
Britons to take refuge in the less favoured parts of the country,
i.e., the mountains of Wales and the highlands of Scotland, where
many of the people of this day retain their ancient mother
speech : very much as the Kacharis of Assam still cling to their
national customs, speech, religion, &c., in those outlying parts of
the Province known in modern times as the Garo Hills, North
Cachar and the Kachari Duars of North-west Assam,
nal V. It may perhaps be asked how a people so clannish and

P*1" V united as the Kacharis are well known to be, should ever become
jrthern so widely separated as the Western (Bara) and Southern (Dimasa)
uthern sections now undoubtedly are. The separation would seem to
be almost final and complete. The writer, e.g., has often tried

I CHARACTERISTICS, PHYSICAL AND MORAL 9

to ascertain if the Kacharis of the Northern Duars retained any Sections
tradition of ever having been subject to the Raja of Dimapur ; °^e e
but up to the present time no trace of any such tradition has
•come to light. Intermarriage between the two sections of the
race is apparently quite unknown ; indeed, the barrier of language
would of itself probably go far to prevent such intermarriage :
for although the two languages have much in common, yet in
their modern form they differ from each other nearly as much
as Italian does from Spanish ; and members of the two sections
of the race meeting each other for the first time would almost
•certainly fail to understand each other's speech. Perhaps the
following tradition,1 which apparently describes one of the closing
scenes in the prolonged struggle between the Chutiya Kacharis
and the Ahoms, may go some way to account for the wide separ-
ation between the Northern and Southern sections of the race.
The story is as follows: — Long, long ago the Dimasd fought
.against a very powerful tribe (the Ahoms), and being beaten
in a great pitched battle, the king with all his forces retreated.
But presently further retreat was barred by a wide and deep
river, which could in no way be crossed. The Raja, being thus
stopped by a river in front and an enemy behind, resolved to fight
once more the next day, unless the problem of crossing the river
<jould be solved. With this determination he went to sleep and
had a dream in which a god appeared to him and promised to
help him. The god said that early next morning the king with
all his people must boldly enter the river at a spot where he
would see a heron standing in the water, and walk straight
across the river, but no one must look back. Next morning a
heron was found, sure enough, standing in the water near the
bank ; and the king, remembering his dream, led his people to
the spot and went into the water, which they found had shoaled
•enough to form a ford and allow them to wade across. In
this way he crossed with a great part of his people. But still
all had not crossed. There were some on the other bank and
some in the middle of the river, when a man among the latter
wondering whether his son was following him, looked back, with
the result that the water at once got deep and every one had to

x Extracted from a most interesting and valuable letter from Mr. Dundas,
kindly forwarded for perusal to the writer by B. C. Allen, Esq., I.C.S.

io THE KACHARIS SECT. I

save himself as best he could ; while the men on the other
bank, having no chance of crossing, dispersed. They who were
caught in the middle of the river had to swim for their lives,
and were washed down to different places. Some saved them-
selves by catching hold of Khdgris (rushes) growing on the bank,
and are to this day called Khdgrdbdria. Others caught hold
of nals (or reeds) and are thus called Nalbarias. The Dimasa are
the people who crossed in safety.

It is fairly obvious that the Oriental love for the grotesquely
marvellous has had no small share in the development of this-
tradition; but whilst making all due allowance for this, the
writer ventures to think that the tradition itself is not
altogether without a certain historic value. It probably
represents the closing scenes in the protracted struggle for
supremacy between the Ahoms and the Chutiyas (Kacharis)
when the latter, finally beaten, endeavoured to escape their foes-
by crossing the Brahmaputra to the South bank, using for that
purpose whatever material was at hand, e.g., rude dug-out boats-
(khel ndu}, extemporised rafts (bhel}, &c. The student of Assam
history will remember that a like mishap befell Mir Jumla's
expedition for the conquest of Assam ; Rangpur, Ghergaon, &c.,
when a violent storm or sudden rise in the river carried away
or sunk the boats containing his ammunition and other stores,
and he was compelled to come to terms with the Ahom rulers,
A sudden storm or rapid rise in the river may have prevented
many of the fugitives from crossing, and these would perforce
have fallen into the hands of the Ahoms. The latter, acting on
the principle "Divide et impera," may have forced their
captives to take up their abode in the unhealthy (Terai)
country now known as the " Kachari Duars," and further may
have prohibited any communication between the two severed
fragments of the conquered race, which would thenceforth
naturally drift further asunder, until the separation became a*
complete as it remains to this day.

SECTION II
SOCIAL AND DOMESTIC LIFE

IN their domestic life, the Kacharis of this district (Darrang) Dwell-
do not differ very materially from their Hindu neighbours, to *n88>
the subordinate castes of whom they are no doubt very closely &c.
allied. The houses are of the usual type, one-storied only, the
walls being of ekrd reed or of split bamboo, and the roof of
thatch fastened by cane. Each hut commonly contains two
rooms, one for eating, &c., and the other for sleeping. There is
no trace here of the practice which prevails among some tribes
of the Province who are undoubtedly very nearly related to
the Kacharis, i.e., the provision of bachelor-barracks (Dekd-
chdngs), where all the young unmarried men of the village
have to sleep apart from the dwellings of settled householders.
It is probable, indeed, that this custom formerly obtained here,
but all trace of it seems to have passed away long since.

A Kachari village is as a rule much more compact than a Villages.
Hindu one, the houses being built more closely together.
Usually, too, there is comparatively little foliage in the way of
trees, &c. ; and occasionally even something like a street
separates the two or more lines of houses which compose a
village. One prominent feature in the typical Kachari village
cannot fail to strike the attention of any casual visitor at first
sight. Each house, with its granary and other outbuildings, is
surrounded by a ditch and fence, the latter usually made of
ekrd reeds, jungle grass or split bamboo, &c. The ditch,
some three or four feet in depth, surrounds the whole home-
stead, the earth taken from it being thrown up on the inner
side, i.e., that nearest to the dwelling-house ; and on the earth-
works, some two or three feet in height, so thrown up are firmly

11

12 THE KACHARIS

SECT.

inserted the reeds or split-bamboo work forming the fence
itself, this latter often inclining outwards at a very obtuse
angle ; so that the ditch and fence are not easily surmounted
from the outside by would-be intruders. A Kachari village
usually abounds in domestic live-stock of various kinds, e.g.,
ducks, fowls, goats, pigs, cattle, &c. ; and it can hardly be doubted
that the fence and ditch above spoken of are largely intended
to prevent the cattle, pigs, &c., from getting into the rice-fields
at night, and so doing serious damage to the paddy and other
crops. With the abundance of live-stock, especially hogs,
reared and kept by the Kacharis, it need hardly be said that
the villages can scarcely be described as being cleanly ; though
as a rule they do not differ so much as might be supposed in
this respect from their Hindu neighbours, separate buildings
being provided for the pigs, goats, &c., at an appreciable distance
from the family dwelling-house.

FURNITURE, IMPLEMENTS AND UTENSILS

Little need be said under this head, as the equipment of the
Kachari householder for dealing with domestic or field work is
almost identical with that of his Hindu neighbours. But it
may be stated that in a Kachari house there will usually be
found an exceptionally large number of earthenware vessels
(pottery, &c.) which are used freely and frequently in the
preparation and distribution of the much-prized rice-beer (Zu).

Agriculture is still the great industry of the Kacharis of this
district, both the hot weather (dus) and the cold season
(sali) varieties of rice being largely cultivated, especially the
latter. In carrying out this work the people show both
application and skill, so much so, that, failing some very over-
whelming convulsion of Nature, it would seem to be hardly
possible that a famine could take place in the Kachari Duars.
This part of the district is abundantly supplied with water by
the numerous streams issuing from the lower spurs of the
Bhutan Hills, streams which for the most part flow in very
shallow beds, and therefore admit of being easily used for
irrigation purposes, whenever the seasonal rainfall may be at all
scanty. Moreover, the people are especially skilful in the con-

II SOCIAL AND DOMESTIC LIFE 13

struction of irrigation canals and earthwork embankments for
diverting water from river-beds into their rice-fields : and their
efforts in this direction are very largely aided by their closely
clannish organisation. Whenever the rainfall threatens to be
below the average, the village headman with his associated
elders fixes on the spot whence water is to brought from the
nearest river to the rice-fields. At this spot very rude and
primitive shelters of jungle grass, &c., are put up : and here all
the manhood strength of the village, each man armed with hoe,
dao, &c., are compelled to take up their abode until the
necessary work has been fully carried out. In this way it will
be obvious that the Kacharis have a highly efficient and very
inexpensive " Public Works Department " of their own ; and
vigorous efforts of self-help of this character would seem to be
worthy of high commendation and hearty support.

But it is not only in constructing embankments and irriga-
tion canals, &c., that the people work together in this way.
Very much the same plan is adopted in carrying out other
enterprises in the success of which all are alike interested, e.g.,
in harvesting the great cold weather rice-crop in December and
January each year. When this important work is in full swing,
it is but rarely that the owner of a rice-field is found cutting
his paddy alone and single-handed. He summons his neigh-
bours to come and help him in this work — a summons which
usually meets with a ready and cheerful response. It is quite
common to see in December and January organised bodies
of labourers, varying in number from ten to fifty or more,
all in line and busy with the sickle in one man's field at the
same time. Every man as a rule works for the time being
at high pressure, his toil being lightened by much merry talk
and laughter, and many jests and jokes — these last, it must be
admitted, not always of a highly refined character. There is
a pleasing absence of the mercenary element in the whole
transaction; for as a rule no money payments whatever are
made to the workers. On the other hand, the wife of the
proprietor of the rice-field is almost always present in person,
and busies herself in keeping ever ready an abundant supply
of wholesome and highly appetising cooked food, to be eaten on
the spot, the nearest grove of plantain trees providing ready-

14 THE KACHARIS SECT.

made plates and dishes. Her post is no sinecure, as the hungry
reapers make very frequent raids on the good things she
provides ; and she has above all to be careful to see that the
much prized rice -beer (Zii) shall be at all times forthcoming in
unstinted quantity. Her lord and master is usually content
to wield a sickle with the reapers, like Boaz of old ; and, of
course, he holds himself ready to lend a hand in the same
unpaid fashion in carrying out his neighbours' harvesting
operations, whenever his services in this direction may be called
for. This whole system of mutual help in time of pressure
is a marked feature of Kachari social and domestic life, and
tends in no small degree to develop and strengthen that
clannish temperament of which it may be considered to be in
some sense the natural outcome.

Crops, &c. Rice, roughly classified as the larger and the smaller grains
(maimd and maisti), is here, as elsewhere, the chief object of the
peasant's skill and labour; but other crops are not wanting,
e.g., pulse, gathered in December, cotton, sugar-cane in limited
quantities, tobacco, &c. Of this last-mentioned article there
are two distinct varieties commonly grown, i.e., country tobacco
and Burmese l (Mdn) tobacco, the latter commanding the higher
price in the market. All surplus produce finds a ready sale
among the ever-growing numbers of imported labourers on
tea estates, many of whom are consumers of Kachari rice-beer
or less harmless liquors, and who in consequence fraternise
readily with their Kachari neighbours. In this way the average
Bodo peasant is a very well-to-do person in worldly things, the
more so because the Kachari labourer is in great demand as
a factory worker. Where there are three or four brothers in a
family in Western Assam, it is quite usual for one, perhaps two,
of the number to remain at home to cultivate the paternal
acres, whilst the other brothers make their way to tea estates
in Upper Assam for the manufacturing season, often doing
double tasks day after day, and returning to the family fold in
the autumn with a large and liberal supply of lightly earned
rupees at each man's disposal.

Food, &c. As regards his food, the Kachari is as a rule by no means
limited and restricted, like his Hindu and Musulman neigh-
1 The Assamese habitually speak of the Burmese people as Mdn.

ii SOCIAL AND DOMESTIC LIFE 15

hours. On the contrary, he enjoys and practises a freedom in
this respect which no doubt goes far to account for his often
magnificent physique. With the exception of beef he denies
himself almost nothing. His great delicacy is pork; and a
Kachari village usually swarms with pigs in almost every
possible stage of growth. These animals are often exposed for
sale at fairs and markets in the Kachari country. There is,
however, one common article of food, which no orthodox old-
fashioned Kachari will ever touch, i.e., milk. When questioned
as to the ground of his objection to milk as an article of food,
he usually says that he is unwilling to deprive the calf of its
natural support, though the real reason is probably of another
character.1 This prejudice against the use of milk would now,
however, seem to be passing away ; and some of the Kachari
lads attending the writer's Training Class at Tezpur now
partake freely of this natural and sustaining food.

Among other delicacies of the Kachari is what is known as
dried fish (nci gran),2 i.e., the very small fish left on the
surface of inundated land after the water has subsided. This
is collected in large quantities near the banks of the Brahma-
putra, and carried northwards to the Kachari Duars, where it is
exchanged for rice and silk (eri), &c. This small fish is not
cured or prepared in any way, but simply dried in the sun ; and
is very far from being attractive to the eye or the nose,
especially to the latter. Nevertheless, it is greatly prized by
the Kachari peasant as a welcome and savoury addition to his
somewhat monotonous daily fare ; nor does the free use of this
hardly inviting article of food seem to be attended by any very
injurious results to the physical well-being of those who
largely and liberally use it.

The Kachari often varies his diet by adding to it the Hunting,
proceeds of the chase and by fishing in the numerous shallow
hill-streams in which his country abounds. Deer and wild pigs
are frequently caught, sometimes by the use of large nets,
enclosing a considerable extent of grass land in which some
keen eye has detected the presence of the much-prized game.

1 This prejudice is shared by the Garos and by many other members of the
Mongolian race. — [Ed.]

2 Cf. the Burmese ngd-pi. Query, is the name a corruption of nd-ghrdn,
in allusion to the powerful odour of fish thus dried? — [Ed.]

16 THE KACHARIS SECT.

The net is gradually contracted until the prey comes within
the reach of some stout Kachari arm, when blows from club
or dao speedily bring its career to a close. In this, as in almost
all else, the Kachari is clannish and gregarious in what
he does ; and regular hunting parties are duly organised
to carry out the work in hand. Much the same system is
observed in conducting fishing operations, though here the
leading part is commonly taken by the women. On certain
prearranged dates, the women of a village, sometimes of a group
of villages, will fish a certain stream, or a number of streams,
for a distance extending over several miles. The fishing
implements used are of a very simple character, and are
commonly prepared from materials found in almost every
village. Nets are but rarely employed, as the water in these
hill-streams is in the cold weather, i.e., the fishing season, usually
very shallow, rarely exceeding two or three feet in depth. The
implements commonly used are mainly two, i.e., (1) the zakhdi l
and (2) the pcilha, the former being employed chiefly, but not
exclusively, by women ; and the latter by men. Both imple-
ments are made of split bamboo work fastened together with
cane. The zakhdi is a triangular basket, open at one
end, the three triangular sides closing to a point at the
other. The whole is attached to a bamboo handle some
three or four feet in length. Grasping this handle firmly,
the holder enters the river, usually only two or three feet
deep, and lowers the basket to the bottom, keeping the
open end in front of her person ; and then making a splashing
with her feet, she endeavours to drive her prey into the open
mouth of the basket, which is then quickly lifted and its
contents rapidly transferred to the fish- basket. The system
seems to be a very simple and even a clumsy one, but is far
from being wholly ineffective. Armed with this zakhdi, a
number of women, sufficient to extend across the entire width
of the stream, enter the river together, whilst another party
commence operations fifty or a hundred yards away. The two
parties work steadily towards each other, so that such fish
as are not caught en route are gradually driven into an ever-
narrowing stretch of water : and as a rule not many fish would
1 Assamese, jakdi. — [Ed.]

KACHAKI C.IKI. IISIUNV,

II SOCIAL AND DOMESTIC LIFE 17

seem to escape. The whole scene is a very merry one, ac-
companied with much laughter and pleasing excitement ; and
more particularly, as the two parties of fish-catchers approach
each other, and the fish make frantic efforts to escape their
doom, the fun becomes fast and furious. A fish-catching
expedition of this kind is invariably looked upon as a village
holiday, the entire population not infrequently taking an active
part in it.

A second popular method of catching fish is the use of
the palhd, which is not very unlike an ordinary circular hen-
coop. It is made of split bamboo fastened together by cane-
work, and is about 4 or 4| feet in height and about 3 feet in
diameter at the base. The upper portion is drawn somewhat
closely together, leaving an open space at the top sufficient to
allow the admission of a man's hand, the whole structure being
quite light and easily manipulated by one hand. Armed with
this, the fisherman quietly enters the shallow water at any
likely spot, and whenever his quick eye detects the presence of
prey, the pdlhd is at once placed over it, the lower surface of
the basket-work closely clutching the ground, and the fish so
enclosed are then withdrawn by the hand through the opening
in the upper part of the instrument. This too, like the zakhdi,
seems a very primiiive, unsuitable contrivance, but in the hands
of men trained to its use from earliest childhood it is quite
capable of being made to bring about very useful results.

A third instrument used by Kacharis in fish-catching is a
small, pointed, metallic spearhead attached to a light bamboo.
This is thrust rapidly and firmly into soft mud or other like
places where eels, &c., are supposed to be concealed ; and the
fisherman occasionally succeeds in transfixing and drawing out
one or more of these, which form a welcome addition to his
daily diet.

In common with many other non-Aryan tribes on this Rice-beer
frontier, e.g., the Nagas,&c., the Kacharis of Darrang habitually |,r"^ra!
consume large quantities of what is usually known as rice-beer tion, &c.
(Zu, Zdu). It can hardly be said to be a beverage in daily use,
for it is only prepared when specially wanted for immediate
consumption. An essential ingredient in the preparation of
this most popular form of refreshment is the condiment known

C

i8 THE KACHARIS SECT.

as emdo1 which is usually composed of at least three, and
sometimes four, distinct elements. To a definite proportion of
husked rice is added (1) the jack-tree leaf and (2) that of the
jungle plant known as bhetai, and in some cases the poison-
fern, though this last-mentioned does not seem to be really
necessary. All these ingredients are vigorously pounded
together into a powder, which is then passed through a very
fine sieve, at least once and sometimes twice. The powder so
prepared is then mixed with water so as to make a more or less
tenacious paste, and this again is divided into portions sufficient
to form solid discs, about three inches in diameter, and one
inch thick in the centre, with thin edges. These discs are
sprinkled freely with powder from similar discs of some weeks
standing, and are for a short time kept covered up in rice-straw.
They are then placed on a bamboo platform inside the house
for some four days, and are afterwards exposed freely to the hot
sun for another four or five days, so as to become thoroughly
dry. Finally they find their way into an earthenware water-
vessel, which is kept suspended at a distance of several feet
over the fireplace though they would seem to need no direct
exposure to the action of fire-heat; and here they remain
until required for use.

As mentioned above, rice-beer is not used as a daily beverage,
but is prepared as required, especially for use at marriages,
funerals, harvest homes and other occasions that break the
monotony of village life. A common method of preparation is
as follows : — A quantity of selected rice, about 3 or 4 seers, is
carefully boiled in an iron or brass cooking vessel, the contents
of which are then spread out on a bamboo mat and allowed to
become cold. Two cakes of the eniiAo described above are
then broken up into powder, which is carefully mixed with the
boiled rice ; and the whole is then stored in a thoroughly dry
earthenware vessel (kolas). This vessel with its contents is
then placed upon a platform some five feet high over a slow fire,
in which position it is allowed to remain for some three or four
days, the mouth of the vessel remaining open for the first day
or two, though it is afterwards covered. It only then remains to

1 This is what Bengali distillers call bdkhar. It is usually purchased by
them from hill-men.— [Ed.]

II SOCIAL AND DOMESTIC LIFE 19

add water ad libitum, and to pour out the beer, after well
shaking the vessel, through a rude straining apparatus composed
of rice-straw. It is said that the direct action of fire is not
really needed in the preparation of this beer and that exposure
to the sun is sufficient for the purpose, though the application
of fire undoubtedly quickens the process. Rice prepared in
this way may be kept in the earthenware vessel for six or
twelve months, a fresh supply of boiled rice and condiment
(emdo) being added to the old from time to time; but
the beer is rarely kept in this way for any very prolonged
period, though its quality is said to be improved by such
keeping.

It may perhaps be added that the beverage so prepared
would seem to be a thoroughly wholesome or at least a
comparatively harmless one. Very large quantities are, to the
writer's knowledge, sometimes consumed at a sitting, the
consumer's brain apparently remaining wholly unaffected
thereby. There is, however, a far less innocent beverage,
commonly known as phatikd, prepared from this rice-beer by
a process of distillation. This is a raw fiery spirit, somewhat
resembling in taste the crudest possible whisky ; and its use
might very fittingly be put under severe restrictions by taxation l
or otherwise, with results most beneficial to the physical, mental
and moral well-being of this very interesting race.

One of the chief industries, a very profitable one among the Eri silk
Kachdris, is that of the culture of the silk-worm known as culture-
eri, and the manufacture of the eri cloth. The eri cocoons,
which are about 2| or 3 inches in length, may often be seen
suspended, a few feet from the ground, in long festoons, a thin
cord being passed through the base of the cocoons for this
purpose. In this condition the cocoons remain for some
fifteen days, at the end of which period the insects make their
appearance in the butterfly stage. Before they are able to fly
away, they are collected with care and placed in a suitable
receptacle ; and at the end of three or four days eggs
resembling sago-grains make their appearance in great
numbers. It is said that one insect can on an average produce
from eighty to one hundred such eggs, or even more. In a

1 Possession, manufacture, and sale of phatikd is prohibited by law. — [Ed.]

C 2

20 THE KACHARIS SECT.

further period of fifteen days the eggs are duly hatched, the
new-born insect being at first almost black, from which colour it
passes to brown, and finally to white, at intervals of three or four
days ; and at each change of colour the worm is said to cast its
skin in snake-like fashion. Some four days after the last stage
is reached, i.e., about fifteen days after being hatched, the insect
may be expected to set about the formation of its cocoon.
To assist it in this work, small bundles of plantain or
mango leaves are loosely tied together and placed within broad
baskets or on bamboo platforms, and the insects are then care-
fully placed within these bundles ; and under favourable
conditions the cocoon should be fully formed in about twenty-
four hours. The actual formation of the cocoon is preceded
by certain signs, very significant to the Kachari, i.e., the insect
itself refuses food for a short time beforehand and becomes of a
light, brilliant colour; and on handling it gently, a soft,
rustling sound, proceeding from the insect itself, can be
distinctly heard. After being carefully cleaned in water and
dried in the sun, the cocoons are stowed away, usually in an
earthenware vessel, until a fitting time, generally in the dry,
cold season, appears for reeling them off, a work carried out by
women and girls. It is said that a Kachari, working steadily
at this occupation, can on an average reel off some 150 or 200
cocoons in a day. During the fifteen days preceding the
formation of the cocoon, the insects' quarters must be kept
scrupulously clean, and food carefully and regularly provided
Its favourite viand is the eri (castor oil) plant,1 which gives its
name alike to the insect itself as well as to the silk prepared
from its cocoons. But it also feeds freely on the leaves of
certain trees known in Assamese as KurungA, Odmdri and
Sangla, especially the first named of the three.

The loom employed for weaving the eri silk is of very simple
construction, and most, if not all, the material needed for the
purpose can be provided by the villagers themselves from local
resources.

The market value of a loom of this character is said to be

about five rupees. It is usually set up on a shady side of the

dwelling-house, or, where this is impracticable, a rude structure

1 Eranda ; Ricinus communis.

II SOCIAL AND DOMESTIC LIFE 21

of thatch and bamboo work is provided to shield the weaver
from the sun. The actual work is always carried out either by
the lady of the house, or by one of her grown-up daughters ;
and it is in ever}? way suitable to women workers, as it requires
very little exertion of physical strength, but only a certain
quickness and readiness of eye and hand. The conditions
under which the industry is carried on are in all respects
pleasing and satisfactory. Indeed, a Kachari woman working
placidly and contentedly at the eri loom, singing quietly to
herself in sheer happiness of heart, offers perhaps one of the
most complete illustrations of the benevolent influence of
the Pax Britannica to be found in the wide realm of India,
especially when it is borne in mind that less than seventy years
ago these Kachari Duars were subject to the Bhutan Rajas,
who seem to have harried and plundered the people in the most
cruel and lawless way. Soon after the master of the house,
with one or more grown-up sons, has betaken himself to the
rice-fields, and this he does almost at sunrise, his goodwife seats
herself at the loom, and works away steadily until about 8 or
9 a.m., when she may be seen carrying a well-cooked and
appetising meal, carefully shielded from rain and sun by
plantain leaves, to her goodman, who from an early hour has
been toiling in the fields for the good of the family. This duty
discharged, she resumes her position at the loom for the greater
part of what may remain of daylight. Immediately in front
of the loom there are probably two or three small children
(the Kachari race is a wholesomely prolific one) gambolling and
tumbling over each other in high delight. To these the mother
now and then devotes a word or two of remonstrance, whenever
their gambols seem to threaten an infantile breach of the peace ;
and she may occasionally rise from her seat to administer some
little corporal chastisement, though always " more in sorrow
than in anger " ; but otherwise she devotes herself steadily and
assiduously to the work in hand. It is said that a Kachari
woman, if not greatly or frequently interrupted in her work, can
weave about half a yard each day ; and, as this eri cloth, woven
in long strips about two yards wide, can always command a ready
sale at about Rs. 2f- per yard, it will be at once evident that a
good worker can in this way, without neglecting other urgent

22 THE KACHARIS SECT.

domestic duties, easily make a substantial addition to the family
income.

The fabric itself (eri cloth), so produced, is one of great value,
especially for use in the cold season, being at once soft and
warm as well as remarkably strong and durable. Of its very
great merit in this last-mentioned respect (durability) the
writer has good reason to hold a very high opinion. Some
twelve or fifteen years ago he was presented with a piece of
eri cloth by one Leah Khangkhuah, a good Kachari church-
woman, living not far from St. Paul's Mission Church, at
Bengbari, whose payment of her " Church dues " (tithe) took
this very pleasing and highly practical form. The quantity
of cloth given (the donor declined all money payment) was
sufficient to make two ample bed-sheets, and in this character
they have been in use now for at least a dozen years past.
During that period they have of course been subjected to many
and frequent barbarous washings; but even the rough treatment
they have so often received at the hands of the Assamese dhdbi
has as yet failed to make any impression for injury on the warp
and woof of this sound material ; so substantial and conscientious
is the work done by this good Kachari churchwoman and
gentlewoman.

Position, Among the Kacharis women do not perhaps occupy quite
domestic, the same influential position as seems to be enjoyed by their
of women. sisters jn the Khasi Hills, where something like a matriarchate
apparently holds the field of social and domestic life. Still,
with this interesting race the position of the wife and mother
is far from being a degraded one. The Kachari husband and
householder has neither sympathy with, nor tolerance for, that
degrading and demoralising creed " which says that woman
is but dust, a soul-less toy for tyrant's lust." On the contrary,
he usually treats his wife with distinct respect, and regards her
as an equal and a companion to an extent which can hardly
be said to be the rule among many of the Indian peoples.
Kachari women, both in early life and as matrons, enjoy a large
measure of freedom, a freedom which is very rarely abused for
evil purposes. On being spoken to on the wayside, the Kachari
woman will generally reply at once with absolute frankness,
looking the questioner straight in the face and yet with the

II SOCIAL AND DOMESTIC LIFE 23

most perfect modesty. It has often happened to the writer
during the last forty years to enter a Kachari village for
preaching purposes, or with a view to opening a school. On
asking for the village headman, that personage is usually not
slow in making his appearance ; and after a few friendly words
he will, quite as a matter of course, introduce his wife, and that
with no small pride and pleasure. In discharging this social
duty, he will very commonly use much the same language as
may be heard among the working classes in England. The
phrase most common is " Be ang-ni burui," literally " This (is)
my old woman." The words are not used jeeringly at all, but
with much real respect and affection ; and are obviously so
regarded by the speaker's life-partner, whose face and features,
somewhat homely in themselves, may often be seen to light up
at once with a very pleased and pleasing smile on hearing
herself thus referred to by the sharer of her life's joys and
sorrows. There is, too, another consideration, not perhaps
altogether unknown in other parts of the world, which has
great weight with the Kachari paterfamilias, viz., that his good-
wife for the most part does not a little to provide for the family
needs in the matter of food and raiment. Her prowess at the
loom has been mentioned before ; and besides this, the actual
planting out of the young rice-seedlings is for the most part
carried through by the women. And all this is habitually done
without in any way neglecting or slurring over the usual duties
more strictly appropriate to the goodvvife and mother.

On the whole it may perhaps be safely said that the social
and domestic life of the Kachari is not without its pleasing
and satisfactory features. It is probably for the most part far
sounder and more wholesome than the life of great cities,
whether in Asia or Europe ; and it is with no little dismay and
sorrow that the writer would see any hasty ill-considered
attempts made to supplant or override this simple, primitive,
patriarchal life through the introduction of a one-sided,
materialistic civilisation.

SECTION III
LAWS AND CUSTOMS

FROM such information as is available at the present day it
seems fairly clear that the internal and tribal organisation of
the Kachari (Bara) race rested in early days, very largely at
least, on a totemistic basis, although it is only here and there
that any real regard for the totems can still be said to survive.
In primitive days these subdivisions, all at one time strictly
endogamous,1 were probably very numerous. But in the case of
many of these sub-tribes all trace of their distinct existence
would seem to have passed away ; and no restrictions on the
intermarriage of members of such sub-tribes as still survive are
any longer recognised. Among septs or sub-tribes whose
names still to some extent hold the field may be placed the
following : —

1. Swarga-droi (Swarga = hea,ven). The heaven-folk. This
sub-tribe is said to be the highest of all ; none of its members
ever worked as cultivators, for as a rule all deoris, ojhos,

1 On this point Col. Gurdon, Hon. Director of Ethnography, Assam, writes
as follows : — " I entertain grave doubts as to the correctness of the author's
remark that the Kachari totemistic clans were originally endogamous. If it
had not been for the most unfortunate death of the author before this work
went to press, we might have hoped to have had some light on this obscure
point. Amongst the Mech, who are the first cousins of the Kachdris, and
who live alongside of them, marriage is exogamous, vide page 124 of the
Monograph, so also amongst the Garos, who may be described as second
cousins of the Kacharis. Mr. Friel, Sub-Divisional Officer of Mangaldai,
which division of the Darrang district contains a large number of Kacharis,
met an old Kachdri who stated quite positively that ' before the Dewangari
war, Kacharis were not allowed to marry within their own sub-tribe.' It is
true that Mr. Friel's informant afterwards contradicted himself, but I think
it is quite possible his first statement was the correct one. On the other
hand, it should be stated in favour of Mr. Endle's theory that three men were
found in Sekhar mauza of Mangaldai who stated that in former days ' a
penance had to be performed if one married outside one's own kur.' My own
view, however, is that stated above, and I do not think the statement that
the Kachari totemistic clans were endogamous should be accepted without
further investigation."

24

SECT, in LAWS AND CUSTOMS 25

and others who took a leading part in religious ceremonials,
were chosen from this subdivision ; and the offerings made by
worshippers were held to be sufficient for their maintenance.

2. Basumati-droi (Basumati = earth). The earth-folk. This
clan has a certain privilege not possessed by any other, i.e., its
members can bury their dead without in any way purchasing
ground for the grave or for the erection of the funeral pyre.

3. Mosd-droi (Mosd = tiger), otherwise known in Darrang as
Bdgh-l-aroi (Bdgh-l-aroi, the / is probably inserted for reasons of
euphony). The tiger-folk. The members of this sub-tribe
claim kindred with the tiger, and all the inhabitants of a
village peopled by them go into mourning on hearing that a
tiger has died in the neighbourhood.

4. Khdngkhlo-droi. The Khangkhlo-folk. Khangkhlo is appar-
ently the name of a certain jungle grass, used freely both at
religious ceremonials and at festive gatherings and merry-
makings, of which the Kacharis are very fond.

5. Sibing-droi (Sibing, sesamum, the Assamese til.}. The
sesamum-folk. This sub-tribe is said to be the only one which
in olden time was allowed to cultivate sesamum plant, and its
members still hold this plant in special honour.

6. Gdndret-droi (Gdndret, a leech or slug, Assamese Kumze-
luka). The leech-folk. This sub-tribe holds the leech in
high regard and cannot under ordinary circumstances kill it ;
though on occasions of certain religious ceremonials, e.g.,
purification after a death in the family, its members were
required to chew a leech with vegetables for a certain limited
period, though apparently only once in a life-time.

7. Ndrze-droi (ndrze=jute). The jute-folk. This sub-tribe
held jute in special honour, and on occasions of great religious
ceremonials its members were bound to chew a certain quantity
of jute (see No. 6).

8. Doimd-roi (Doimd = & large river) (c/. Dimasa [doimd-sd],
the usual designation of the people of the North Cachar Hills).
The river-folk. These in olden time were the fisherman class,
though its surviving members are now merged among the mass
of ordinary cultivators.

9. Bibiziyd-droi (Bibina = to beg). The begging-folk. Pro-
fessional mendicants having no fixed home or regular occupation,
much like the modern Fakirs, Vairagis, &c.

26 THE KACHARIS SECT.

10. Bing-bing-droi (Bing-bing, probably an onomatopoetic
word indicating a sound more or less musical). Itinerant
musicians, subsisting on the voluntary offerings of those to
whom they ministered. The writer has occasionally seen one
or two members of this class in Kachari villages.

11. Ding-droi (dingd = & bamboo water- vessel [Assamese
Chungd]).1 The dinga-fo\k. The members of this sub-tribe
are said to have formerly earned their livelihood by making,
these bamboo water- vessels.

12. Goi-bdri-droi (ffoi = the areca-palm 2). The areca-folk ;
formerly devoted to the cultivation of the areca, of which they
perhaps held the monopoly.

In addition to the above sub-tribes, all at one time strictly
endogamous, though now no longer so, the following may be
mentioned. It may be noted that these are recognised, in
Kamrup at least, mostly to the north of the great earthwork
embankment known as the " Gossain Kamla Ali," though the
writer has been unable to find any trace of their separate
existence in this (Darrang) district.

13. Mdmshdroi. IMmshd folk. Rdmshd is said to be the name
of a Mauza in Kamrup.3 It may be noted further that Ram-sa
(? Ram's people) is the name by which the Kacharis living in the
plains are known to their brethren in the North Cachar Hills.

14. Brahm-droi. Brahma folk. Said to be a quasi-priestly
class, found chiefly in Upper Assam. This name, like the
preceding, is obviously of Hindu origin.

15. Sdnhbdrd-roi.* Bamboo-grove-folk, (fidnhbdri = Assam-
ese) is the sacred bamboo grove, found near many Kachari
villages, where the worship of the gods is carried on at certain
seasons.

16. Dhekidbdri-droi. (Dhekia fern), the fern-folk. The
totem of this sub-tribe was probably the fern, still sometimes
used in the preparation of the fatikd spirit.

1 In the Dhubri subdivision there is a place called " Ding-dinga.'
Perhaps this takes its name from the sept. — [Ed.]

2 Cf. Assamese, gud, betel, to which Gua-hati, the capital of Assam, is said
to owe its name.

3 Ramsha is one of the old Mauzas of Kamrup. It is situated close to
Gauhati.— [Ed.]

4 Sanskrit, vamsa, bamboo ; vdms-vdri is the Assamese word for a bamboo
grove. — [Ed.]

in LAWS AND CUSTOMS 27

17. Mddmard-roi. The Ma6-fish folk, perhaps originally the
dwellers near the Moamari bil.1

18. Kherkhathd-roi (Kerketud? squirrel). The squirrel-folk.
Said to be a low caste and more or less criminal. One of their
functions is to cut the horns of cattle.

19. Fadam-droi. The fadam folk. Thefadam is said to be
identical with the tree known as sdchi in Assamese.

20. Mohild-roi. Mohila folk. Mohila is a word of uncertain
origin and meaning. It is said to be the equivalent of Mahaldar,
and to be applied to fishery lessees, and petty traders in
areca-nut and betel-leaves and dried fish (nd-grdn).

It may perhaps be added that among the Meches in Gowal-
para some sixteen of these subdivisions are recognised, all
formerly exogamous.3 In designating these subdivisions the
same suffix (droi or roi} is used as that characteristic of
the Kamrup and Darrang Kacharis : indeed, the names corre-
spond closely in every respect, e.g. —

Swarg-droi,

Masd-roi,

Doimd-roi,

Goibdri-roi,

which seems to be practically identical with class-names Nos. 1,
3, 8 and 12, given above.

But it is among the Dimasa of the North Cachar Hills and
the Hojais of the Nowgong district that this minute sub-
division of the clans would seem to attain its highest develop-
ment. In this portion of the Bara race some eighty clans are
recognised, of whom forty are known as men's clans (sengfdng}
and forty as women's (zulu~). All the members of these
different clans eat and drink together freely, and are, or were,
all strictly exogamous.4 The only exception to this strict rule

1 The Moamari or Maomdri bil is said to have given its name to the
Moamaria faction which gave so much trouble in the time of the Assamese
king Gaurinath Singha.— [Ed.]

2 In adopting a word from the language of their Hindu neighbours
(Assamese), the Kacharis often use an aspirated letter where none exists
in the original. — S. E.

3 It is certainly strange that amongst the Meches, who are kinsmen of the
Kacharis, the sub-tribes are exogamous, whereas the Kachari sub-tribes are
said by the author to have been originally endogamous. — [Ed.]

4 Of. the case of the Mech sub-tribes.

28 THE KACHARIS SECT.

of exogamy is that of the so-called royal clan, known as
Ha-chum-sa,1 i.e., "black earth folk," all the members of which
were compelled to marry within their own sub-tribe, marriage
with a member of a subject clan being of old absolutely
forbidden. (Cf. the analogous restrictions enforced by various
" Royal Marriage " Acts in other communities.)

In partial explanation of the terms used (their number might
probably be largely added to on further inquiry), it will be
observed that the first two are obviously of Hindu origin, the
Kachari affix droi (people, folk) being attached to the
Sanskrit words Swarga and Vasumati respectively. Most of
the designations applied to the other sub-tribes merely indicate
the occupation, probably hereditary, by which the members of
these sub-tribes obtained their livelihood. But in almost every
case, in these modern days, any special reverence for the totem
has very largely become a thing of the past. There is, perhaps,
one exception to this rule, that of the tiger-folk (Mosdroi or
JBaghldroi). (The I in this latter word is probably merely
euphonic, so that the two words have exactly the same
meaning). Kacharis of the old-fashioned conservative school
still think it a duty to show respect to their totem (the tiger)
by formally going into mourning whenever they learn that one
of these animals has died in the immediate vicinity of their
village. The period of mourning is indeed but a short one,
seldom exceeding twenty-four hours ; but during this brief
period the sorrowing would seem to be very real, and not a
little material loss is sometimes involved. No solid food
whatever must be taken, in itself no slight privation to the
Kachari, who is as a rule provided with an ample appetite. At
the end of the mourning the floor and walls of each house
must be carefully smeared with a freshly prepared compost of
mud and cow-dung, a work usually carried out by the women.
All articles of clothing, as well as all household utensils made of
brass, must be thoroughly cleansed in running water, whilst all
earthenware vessels except those which are quite new and have
never yet been used for cooking purposes, must be broken up
and thrown away. Then one of the elder members of the

1 Ha, earth ; chum (-ga-chum), black (cf. Dima ga-chum, black-water) ;
sa, folk, people.

ill LAWS AND CUSTOMS 29

community, acting as Deori (minister), solemnly distributes the
" water of peace " (Sdnti-JaT) l to be drunk by all in turn ; and
the buildings themselves and all articles of clothing, &c., are
freely sprinkled with this preparation. The service is finally
consummated by the sacrifice of a fowl or pig, to be partaken of
by all in common ; after which relations of ordinary social
intercourse with the neighbours may be quietly resumed.

MARRIAGE, ENDOGAMY, EXOGAMY

It is said that each of the sub-tribes mentioned above was
in early times strictly endogamous ; for though members of all
these subdivisions might freely eat and drink together, inter-
marriage between them was absolutely forbidden. But all such
restrictions on marriage seem to have passed away long since,
so that the whole subject has nowadays little more than an
antiquarian interest.

No formal hypergamy is recognised, though Kacharis
occasionally take wives from the cognate tribes known as
Rabhas (Totlds), Koches (Madahis), and Saraniyas, &c. But
such alliances -are as a rule not looked upon with favour, and
the bridegroom in such cases has generally to make his peace
with his fellow-villagers by providing them with a feast in
which rice-beer (Zu) and pork are certain to take a prominent
place. Children born of such mixed marriages become in all
cases members of the father's subdivision of the Bodo race.

There is little or nothing specially distinctive in the laws of
consanguinity or affinity in their bearing on the marriage
relationship. A widower may marry his deceased wife's younger
sister, but not the elder, whom he is taught to regard con-
ventionally in the light of a mother. Much the same principle
holds good in the case of the re-marriage of widows, which is
freely permitted, the one limitation being that a widow may
marry her deceased husband's younger brother, but not the
elder.

1 "Santi-Jal," water of peace (reconciliation), usually prepared by
immersing in water leaves of the Tulsi plant, Dub grass, cow-dung, rice, &c.
Money is sometimes added in the form of small silver coins (four-anna bits)
or even rupees ; and rings, or other personal ornaments, are sometimes thrown
into this " SAnti-Jal."

3D THE KACHARIS SECT.

POLYGAMY

As a rule the Kacharis are a strictly monogamous race,
though cases of men having two wives have occasionally come
under the writer's notice. These cases are, however, almost
invariably limited to men of a somewhat high social position
or great wealth, such as Mauzadars, Mandals, &c. Where, too,
a first wife proves childless, Kachari custom sanctions the
taking of a second, mainly with a view to handing down the
father's name to posterity. On the other hand, polyandry
would seem to be absolutely prohibited, though it is known to
prevail in the adjoining regions of Bhutan, Tibet, &c.

ADOPTION

Children, more especially orphans, are occasionally adopted,
usually by near relatives, but sometimes by absolute strangers.
In such cases the children so adopted are treated as full
members of the family, and the foster-parents are considered
by the community to have done a highly meritorious act.
Several pleasing instances of adoption of this character have
come under the writer's notice, and in all such cases the
adopted children seem to have found a very happy home.

FEMALE CHASTITY

As stated above, the standard of chastity among the
Kacharis, both men and women, is by no means a low one. As
a rule the young people, in the villages at least, lead pure lives
before marriage, and are faithful to their marriage vows in after-
life. In cases where there are several unmarried girls in a family,
and one of them is suspected of having broken the law of
chastity, the following plan for detecting the offender is some-
times adopted. The whole family gathers in the evening around
the sacred siju tree (Euphorbia splendens), which is often to be
seen growing in the court-yard, surrounded by a fence of split
bamboo. At the foot of this revered tree a quantity of rice
(uncooked) is solemnly buried and allowed to remain there over
night. Early next morning this rice is carefully disinterred,
and a certain quantity given to each grown-up girl (sikhlA} to
be masticated. The offender, under the pressure of the fear of

KACHARI GIRLS PLAYING JEW'S HAUP (Cion

From a Photograph by Rtrs. //. A. Colijuhoun.

in LAWS AND CUSTOMS 31

imminent detection, is unable to masticate her portion of rice, the
faculty of secreting saliva failing her in her terror of discovery
and disgrace.

She is then made to disclose the name of her paramour,
whom Kachari public opinion compels to marry his victim
forthwith, the bride-price (pan : see below) being in this case
considerably enhanced as some slight compensation to the girl's
parents for the injury done to the honour of the family. A
similar procedure is sometimes resorted to in cases of suspected
theft or other like misdemeanours in the family circle.

In some cases where the parents are unwilling to part with
their daughter to a prospective son-in-law of somewhat
objectionable character, the matter is referred for decision to the
village elders, who impose a fine of Rs. 20/- to Rs. 25/- on
the offender. But whenever pregnancy follows offences against
the law of chastity, marriage becomes absolutely compulsory,
and the seducer is made to feel that he has brought disgrace
upon the village, and is distinctly under a cloud. In this way
a wholesome respect for chastity is maintained, and Kachdri
domestic life is kept comparatively pure.

DIVORCE

Divorce sometimes takes place by mutual consent, but cannot
be effected without a certain formality. Man and wife appear
before the village elders and state their case, concluding by
tearing a pan-leaf into two pieces, fdthoi fesinai, (K.) pan chird
(Assamese), a symbolic act indicating that, as the sundered leaf
can never reunite, so their own married life is severed for ever.
Should the husband divorce his wife for causes which seem to-
the village elders inadequate or capricious, he forfeits all claim
to reimbursement of his marriage expenses, and even when the
divorce is approved of, he must pay a certain small sum (Rs. 5/-
to 10/-) for his freedom, the amount being divided between the
village panchdyat and the divorced woman. On the other
hand, if the woman is divorced for just and sufficient reasons,
e.g., for unfaithfulness to her marriage obligations, the injured
husband is entitled to recover whatever he may have expended
at his marriage, a sum amounting sometimes to Rs. 140/- or
upwards to Rs. 200/-. The man who may afterwards marry the

32 THE KACHARIS SECT.

divorced woman is held to be responsible for the payment of
this money; and so long as this latter condition is duly fulfilled,
the divorcee is fully at liberty to live with a second husband.

INHERITANCE OF PROPERTY

Among the Kachdris the laws and customs relating to the
inheritance of property seem to be very vague, and it is not at
all easy to obtain any definite information on the subject.
Generally speaking, on the decease of the head of the house-
hold the eldest son takes charge of all property, making a
home for the time for his widowed mother and his brothers and
sisters. In this way the family may be kept together for some
years ; but eventually it breaks up as the children grow up and
marry, in which case the father's property is broken up into
equal shares, the eldest son taking one share and a half, while
what remains is divided fairly among the other brothers. The
daughters, especially if married, can claim nothing. When a
man dies without sons, the property usually passes to his eldest
surviving brother, who generally makes some provision for the
deceased man's widow and daughters.

Disputes, whether matrimonial or otherwise (e.g., inheritance
of property, &c.), are almost invariably referred to the council
•of village elders, whose members are not necessarily limited to
five or other definite number; and the decision of this rural
•council is very rarely questioned or opposed in any way. It
might be well to develop and enlarge this simple and very
effective way of settling disputes, so that the villagers may be to
a great extent saved from the necessity of coming under the
•contaminating, demoralising influence of our civil and criminal
courts. As all the Kacharis of this district (Darrang) are
ordinary cultivators, holding land directly under Government
like their Hindu and Musulman neighbours, no remarks are
needed under the head of " tenure of land, and laws regarding
land." So too with the sections dealing with " war, and head-
hunting," it is only necessary to say that the latter practice
(head-hunting) is quite unknown here, though it would seem
to have been very common in earlier days among the closely
cognate race known to us as Garos.

SECTION IV
RELIGION

THE religion of the Kachari race is distinctly of the type General
commonly known as " animistic," and its underlying principle is £f ^pu
characteristically one of fear or dread. The statement " Timor beliefs.
fecit deos " certainly holds good of this people in its widest and
strictest sense ; and their religion thus stands in very marked,
not to say violent, contrast1 with the teaching of the Faith in
Christ. In the typical Kachari village as a rule neither
idol nor place of worship is to be found ; but to the Kachari
mind and imagination earth, air, and sky are alike peopled
with a vast number of invisible spiritual beings, known
usually as " Modai," all possessing powers and faculties far
greater than those of man, and almost invariably inclined to
use these powers for malignant and malevolent, rather than
benevolent, purposes. In a certain stage of moral and spiritual
development men are undoubtedly influenced far more by what
they fear than by what they love ; and this truth certainly
applies to the Kachari race in the most unqualified way. The
Kachari Duars of this district (Darrang) were in earlier days
looked upon as being especially unhealthy, and to some extent
they retain that character still. It has repeatedly fallen to the
lot of the writer, when entering a Kachari village to find one
or more of its inhabitants prostrate with malarial fever of a
virulent type ; and on asking what was wrong the reply has very
commonly been " modai* hdmdang" i.e., an (evil) spirit has got

1 See S. Matt. xxii. 37, or (what was written many centuries earlier)
Deut. vi. 5, "Thou shalt love the Lord thy God with all thy heart."

2 Modai (Assamese : deota, devta), a god, spirit, &c. Ham-na (Hindustani
pakar or Assamese dharna) : to catch, lay hold of, &c. Hence "Modai ham-
dang, an (evil) spirit has seized (me)," " got hold (of me)."

33 D

34 THE KACHARIS SECT.

hold (of me). And this reply may be looked upon as typical
and characteristic, and as accurately expressing the very spirit
and true inwardness of Kachari religion. Of sin, i.e., the
conscious violation of the moral Law of a righteous God,
the Kachari has of course no idea whatever. But he does
believe in the existence and active interference in the affairs of
men of certain invisible spiritual beings who are the authors
of sickness, famine, earthquakes, &c. ; who are for the most
part influenced by malevolent motives, and whose ill-will
towards mankind must be propitiated and bought off by
frequent offerings of rice, plantains, pigs, goats, poultry, &c.,
in ways regarding which some little information is given below.
Worship 1. Ancestor- worship would not seem to be in vogue to any
tors!™ S extent among the Kacharis of this district, though perhaps it
is not altogether unknown ; e.g., when the head of a family or
other man of note passes away, it is not unusual at certain
festivals to place on a platform a small quantity of the viands
of which the deceased was known to be fond during his lifetime
on earth, presumably for his use and behoof. No adult
members of the village community will ever presume to touch
these viands, though the village children are apparently at
liberty to consume them at their pleasure.

Worship 2. The worship of natural forces also would seem to be not
forces"™ at all common, though some traces of it may perhaps be noted
here and there. For instance, (A) in connection with the
popular festival known as the April (Vaisakh) Bihu, there takes
place what is called the " Parwa " show or bhotheli, a festival
apparently common to Hindu and Kachari alike. The parwa
is a tall bamboo pole draped with rags, flags, &c., taken from
the village on the last day of the Bihu, and put up in a field
alongside a tree, where the people amuse themselves by dancing,
wrestling, and tom-toming, &c., around it. It is possible that
this may be a relic or survival of phallic worship, the parwa
taking the place of the lingam or phallus. (B) Again, water
would seem to have about it something of a sacred character
in the mind of the average Kachari. The dead are often buried
or cremated on or near the banks of running streams, which
are also favourite localities for the celebration of the greater
pujas. This reverence for water is perhaps specially marked

iv RELIGION 35

among the Kacharis of North-east Bengal (Jalpaiguri, &c.), in
which part of the Province, Mr. Bryan Hodgson informs us, all
the smaller streams are regarded as a kind of lesser deities (dii
inferiores), whilst the Brahmaputra is looked upon as the mother
of them all (mater magna). It may be noted also in this
connection that one of the principal branches of the widely
spread Bara race, i.e., the people of the North Cachar Hills,
still speak of themselves as Di-md-sd, i.e., " sons of the big
river," or " children of the great water," even though none of
them would seem now to dwell anywhere near a large river or
lake, &c. It may therefore perhaps be safely inferred that the
element of water, though now apparently not often actually
worshipped, has ever been held in special regard by the Kachari
race.

The Kachari Pantheon is a very extensive one, though it Worship
seerns probable that only a comparatively small number are of deities-
strictly of tribal or national origin, many having obviously
been borrowed from their Hindu neighbours. The popular
Kachari deities fall naturally into two classes, i.e., (1) house-
hold gods (nti-ni maddi); (2) village gods (gdmi-ni maddi).1
The former are worshipped inside the house, or at least in the
homestead (compound) ; the latter by the whole village
collectively, outside the house, and usually near the sacred
grove of trees or bamboos, often to be seen some fifteen or
twenty yards from the village, and known as the thansali.
A long list of these gods is given in an interesting paper by
Maulvi Mahibuddin Ahmed, some nineteen names of household
gods being therein enumerated, whilst the village gods number
no fewer than sixty-five. Only a small proportion of these deities
would, however, seem to obtain recognition in this district
(Darrang), and it hardly seems necessary to mention by name
more than a few of them.

A. Household Deities.

Among the household deities may be placed the following : —
1. Bathau brai, old Bathau.

1 JYa, house (ghar). Gdmi, village (gdon).

D 2

36 THE KACHARIS SECT.

2. Mainao, otherwise known as Bhulli Buri, and looked upon
as Bathau's wife.

3. ASM Mainao.

4. Sali Mainao.

5. Song Raja.

6. Song Brai.

7. Bura Bagh Raja, &c., &c., &c.

1. Bathau (Siju, i.e., Euphorbia splendens).

Of these household gods by far the most important is the
first-mentioned, i.e., Bathau, who is pre-eminently the guardian
of the family interests and family honour. He is never repre-
sented in idol form, but is well in evidence through his living
symbol, the siju (hiju) tree (Euphorbia splendens}, which is
often to be seen in the Kachari homestead surrounded by a
circular fence of split bamboo. Among the Meches of
Goalpara, almost every home, it is said, has its B&thdu (siju),
though in Darrang it is less frequently met with. Bathau
is said not to be worshipped separately, but always in con-
junction with Ai-Deo. Inside the house a slightly raised altar,
called dhdm, is often erected in honour of Song Raja, and at
this women especially pay their devotions and make offerings,
particularly at the monthly periods (menses). All offerings,
however, made to Song Raja are finally brought outside the
house, and laid at the foot of Bathau ; and the writer has often
seen such offerings in the form of heads of goats, pigs, fowls, &c.,
as well as plantains, tdmul-n\its, ^w-leaves, gazi (i.e., a mixture
of rice and pulse), &c., humbly laid down for Bathau's
acceptance. In this way it is held that disease, famine, and
misfortunes of all kinds may be kept at bay, through the
influence of this powerful guardian of the family interest and
well-being.

It may be added that it is apparently only among the
northern section of the Kachari race that the siju tree is
regarded with special reverence. The Garos are said to know
this tree and to use certain parts of it for medical purposes
e.g., the preparation of poultices, &c. ; but to them it is never
an object of worship. The Dimasa of the North Cachar Hills,

Sijr TRKK {Euphorbia splfndsns}.
h'rom a r holograph by Mrs. H. A. Colijitlunin.

iv RELIGION 37

on the other hand, seem to have no special regard for the siju
or any other tree.

2. Mainao (Ceres).

Only second to Bathau is his good consort, Mainao, though,
unlike her husband, she has no special emblem visible to the
human eye. Her special function is that of " Guardian of the
rice-fields " ; l and among a purely agricultural community like
that of the Kacharis, she of course is held in very high regard.
She is, in short, to the Kachari peasant very much what Ceres
was to the old heathen Roman cultivator. Eggs are the offer-
ing that finds most favour in her eyes, and these are presented
to her in unstinted quantity. She is apparently especially
worshipped at the period of harvesting the dsu and Sdli crops ;
hence the twofold designation given above (Nos. 3 and 4, house-
hold gods), Asu Mainao, and Sali Mainao.

Of the other domestic deities above mentioned, it is not
necessary to say much. Nos. 5 and 6 (Song Raja and Song
Brai) seem to be the especial objects of devotion to women,
worshipped for the most part inside the house, whilst No. 7
(Bura Bagh Raja) is apparently merely the name of the tiger,
often spoken of with bated breath as the " monarch of the
woods " (lanar-r&ja), especially by men travelling at night, when
danger from the tiger may well be apprehended.

B. Village Deities.

There would seem to be little need to dwell much on the
village deities ; for no small proportion of them have evidently
been adopted from the Hindu Pantheon, as will be obvious
from the names given below. Some sixty-five such names
are given in the valuable paper above mentioned of village
deities recognised in Kamrup, though the writer only knows
of some three or four of these gods as reverenced in this

1 It is probable that her great function, i.e., guardianship of the paddy
field, is indicated by her name ; for mai = paddy (Assamese dhdn) ; and na
(nao) = to watch over, keep (Assamese rakha) ; hence mai-ndo = " the
protector of the rice-fields."

38 THE KACHARIS SECT.

district (Darrang). Among these may perhaps be mentioned
the following : —

1. Mero raja.

2. Bura Mahadeo.

3. Bura gosain.

4. Jal Kube>.

5. Thai Kuber.

6. Ih Kuber.

7. Bih Kube"r.

8. Kuber brai (masculine).

9. Kuber brui (feminine).
10. Sila Rai, &c., &c., &c., &c.

It is needless to continue the list, for almost all the names
are obviously borrowed from popular Hinduism ; e.g., Kuber is
almost certainly the Hindu god of wealth and of the lower
regions (Pluto). Others are in all likelihood merely names of
deified mortals of some pre-eminence above their fellow men ;
cf. Ram, Krishna, &c. A notable illustration of this principle
of deification is probably that given as No. 10 in the above list,
i.e., Sila Rai.1 This is almost certainly the name of the well-
known Commander-in-Chief of the most famous of the Koch
Kings, Nar Narayan, in whose time the Koch kingdom reached
the zenith of its power. As a soldier and commander this
man (Sila Rai) seems to have been the foremost captain of his
time in North-east India ; and his striking personality would
seem so to have impressed the minds and imaginations of his
contemporaries as to lead to his apotheosis after death.

As might be expected among a purely agricultural com-
munity, the great annual puj'as, which are three in number,
are directly connected with the ingathering of the three chief
rice crops of the year, i.e., the Ahu, Pharma, and Sali crops
The dates for these annual pujas do not seem to be at all
rigidly fixed, but are apparently settled by the village elders to
meet the public convenience. There is no prescribed form of
religious worship ; indeed, the whole gathering is rather of the
nature of a village merry-making than a religious service ; and
there is invariably a very large consumption of the national
beverage (rice-beer) at all these gatherings.

1 See " The Koch Kings of Kamrup," by E. A. Gait, Esq., I.C.S.

iv RELIGION 39

There is said to be another puja known as morong-pujd, of
which the special object is to propitiate the cholera demon, to
whom are made offerings of he-goats, pigeons, fowls and betel-
nuts, &c. In addition to these, flowers, eggs, pounded rice-
flour, &c., are sometimes placed on rafts and set afloat on a
river ; and occasionally animals (goats, &c.) are exposed in this
way on rafts as an oblation to the river god (dbi-ni madai).1 It
may be taken for granted that, whenever these rafts are found
on streams in the Kachari country, cholera or other malignant
disease is or has been doing its deadly work among the people.
In addition to the puj'as above mentioned, which are more or
less of a general character, offerings of goats, chickens, and a
mixture of pulse and rice known as gazi, are often placed at the
foot of certain trees, usually old trees, and finally left there.
As a rule, only the heads of the goats, chicken, &c., so offered
will be found at the foot of such trees, the bodies of the
slaughtered animals being consumed by the offerers. These
oblations are made, not by the village community as a whole,
but by the heads of individual families, some one member of
which is in severe trouble from sickness or other like cause.
The money value of such offerings is sometimes not incon-
siderable.

PRIESTHOOD

There is no authorised priestly caste among the Kacharis,
nor are Brahmins ever employed in their religious ceremonies,
these latter indeed being generally of a social, and even festive,
rather than a religious character. In Kamrup, however, one of
the recognised sub-tribes is, or was, known as " Brahmaroi," a
name which seems to point to Brahmins as having a certain
standing in the Bada community. All religious offices are now
discharged by Deoris or Deoddis, who are usually men of a
certain age and recognised social position in the village
community ; village elders in fact. The office is not hereditary,
and any one versed in the usual forms of exorcism, &c., can
discharge it. Another class of persons employed in religious

1 I have seen such a puja on the Manas river. The principal offering
to the river god was a duck.

40 THE KACHARIS SECT.

ceremonies is known as the Ojhd or Ojhd-Burd, who is generally
armed with shells, cowries, &c., by the manipulation of which
he professes to be able to foretell prosperity or the reverse to
those who consult him. These officials are supposed to be
competent to deal with the ordinary ailments of village life by
indicating the approximate method of propitiating the offended
deity (modai), whose anger is held to be the cause of all the ills
that flesh is heir to.

But in times of special emergency, e.g., plague, pestilence,
famine, &c., the services of the " possessed " woman,1 the
Deoddni, are called into action for a special puja organised
on a somewhat large scale. These gatherings are not very
common, but when they do occur the order of the proceedings
is something as follows, as occasionally witnessed by the writer.
A piece of ground about fifteen or twenty yards square, usually
on the bank of a running stream, is selected for the purpose.
The surface of the soil is carefully removed, and a rude screen
of cotton cloth some six or eight feet high erected on bamboos
at the western side of the cleared ground. At the eastern
side a slight earthwork embankment, some three or four inches
high and about a foot broad is thrown up ; and on this a
number of figures, usually seven or nine, but always an odd
number, bearing a rude resemblance to the outlines of the
human form, are placed in an upright position. These figures
are roughly made of jungle grass twisted together, and are
about one foot in height. Before each figure is placed a layer
of the plantain tree with its concave side upwards, and in this
are deposited the heads of slaughtered goats, pigeons, chickens,
with salt, sugar-cane, plantains, gazi (a mixture of rice and
pulse), &c., the whole being freely sprinkled with blood and
pounded rice flour (pithdguri). The Deoddni, a somewhat weird-
looking figure, with dishevelled hair, and vermilion-stained
forehead, wearing a long petticoat, dances up and down to and
fro before these figures, keeping time roughly with the music
of cymbals and tom-toms played by four or five men, who act as
her assistants. The ceremony is a prolonged one, often extend-
ing over many hours : and the Deoddni, whose faculties are
apparently quite absorbed in what she is doing and who seems
1 Cf. St. Luke's account of the " Pythonissa," Acts xvi. 16-18

IV RELIGION 41

for the time to be lifted above the world of time and sense,
gradually works herself up to a state of excitement bordering
on frenzy. At this stage, which is only slowly attained, a
goat is brought forward and taken up before one of the figures
above mentioned, when the Deoddni, with one stroke of the
long sacrificial sword, known as the imfi and reserved
exclusively for such purposes, severs the victim's head from the
body. Most of the blood is held to be offered in sacrifice to the
maddi, before whose emblem the animal has been slaughtered ;
but some part is said to be sprinkled on the persons of the
assembled worshippers. It is at this climax of the puja, i.e., at
the sacrificial slaughtering of the goat, that the Deoddni is
supposed to become possessed of the knowledge she is in search
of, i.e., the name of the offended deity who has brought about
the plague, &c., and also the best method of propitiating his
anger ; which usually involves an offering of pigs, goats, &c., to
the angered god, and the giving of a feast to the whole village
community, the expense being defrayed by a general contribu-
tion.

1. Ceremonies Attending Birth.

In a Kachari village community there would seem to be no
formally recognised midwives (dhdis), any respectable and com-
petent matron being at liberty to give attendance and assistance
to the patient in such cases. In severing the umbilical cord
no scissors, knife, or other implement of steel is ever used, nor
is the severance effected at one stroke, but in a succession of
slight cuts, seven such cuts being made in the case of a girl, and
only Jive in that of a boy. The cutting instruments consist
of thin hard strips of bamboo,1 shaped roughly into the form
of a knife ; and a separate bamboo knife must be used in making
each slight cut, seven such knives being thus made use of for a
female child and five for a male. It is not unusual for one of
the bystanders to give a name to the newly-born child at the
severing of the umbilical cord. The good matron who officiates
as midwife receives no . money payment for her services, but on
the mother becoming convalescent a feast is given at the

1 Cf. Khasi birth custom, p. 124, "The Khasis."— [Ed.]

42 THE KACHARIS SECT.

parent's expense, in which pork and other flesh meat is always
present in abundance ; and at this feast the officiating midwife
is accorded the place of honour, as some recognition of the
value of her kindly ministrations in her neighbour's hour of
trial and need.

For about a month or six weeks, (the period seems to vary
within these limits) after giving birth to a child, the mother
is held to be technically " unclean," and is subjected to certain
social and religious limitations ; e.g., she may not approach the
dkdm or domestic altar commonly found inside a Kachari's
dwelling-house, and on which she is ordinarily in the habit
of making offerings of eggs, chickens, &c., in times of trouble.
This period of ceremonial uncleanness is usually terminated by
the use of the water of peace (Mnti-jal). The deori freely
sprinkles the mother as well as the house and its contents with
this holy water, after which she is fully at liberty to resume
social intercourse with her neighbours.1

Naming.

There does not seem to be any special principle underlying
the giving of names to children, nor do such names as a rule
resemble those of their fathers. Like some of the lower castes
among their Hindu neighbours, children often take the name
of the day or the month in which they were born.2 Hence we
often find such names as Deobar, Mangal, Budhu, as also Maghua}
Phaguna (names of months), &c., in use among the Kacharis.
Other names are obviously adopted from the Hindus, e.g., Ganga
Ram, Sati Ram, &c. Others, again, were probably given by the
mother in infancy expressive of some peculiarity in the new-born
child's mental or physical temperament. Of this type, probably, is
a very common name, " Khangkhoa," i.e., the " voracious one," the
" great eater." 3 Another illustration is the name Gab-gra, i.e.,
the weeper, the crier, &c., &c. In short, any unusually

1 Of. the Jewish ceremonial described in Leviticus, xii.

2 Cf. the well-known instance of "man Friday" in Robinson Crusoe.

3 It will be remembered that the Kacharis are sometimes spoken of as
" Children of Bhim" (Mahabharat), who is said on one occasion to have eaten
up unaided the meal provided for himself and his four brothers.

iv RELIGION 43

prominent physical peculiarity is often seized upon to become
the name by which the child is known throughout his whole
after-life.

3. Marriage.

From certain scattered scraps of information on the subject A. The
that have incidentally come to the writer's knowledge during the
past forty years, it would seem that marriage ly capture was
largely, if not universally, in vogue among the Kacharis in earlier
days. Some traces of this practice would seem to survive in the
ordinary marriage ceremonial which still to a large extent holds
the field. A case somewhat of this character came to the writer's
knowledge some twenty-five or thirty years ago. A young
Kachari, employed as a village pandit some thirty miles from
Tezpur, carried off a girl from the house of her parents some
ten miles away. No actual violence apparently occurred in the
matter, and very likely there had existed for some time previously
a private understanding between the two young people con-
cerned. But what was done clearly had not the approval of
the girl's parents ; for these latter laid a complaint on the
subject before the writer, and claimed redress for the wrong
done to them. When the offending pandit was called to
account for his conduct, he simply pleaded in defence that what
he had done was quite in accordance with the time-honoured
custom of his forefathers : and on payment of the usual bride-
price, at a somewhat enhanced rate, the parents raised no
further objection to their daughter's union with the pandit.

But in modern times " marriage by capture " is rapidly
passing out of vogue, if indeed it be not already absolutely a
thing of the past ; and the marriage contract is usually entered
into in one of the four following ways : —

(a) The young people occasionally take the matter into
their own hands, as in the case above mentioned, ignoring the
wishes of their parents on either side. This procedure is looked
upon by the community as blameworthy and irregular, but not
invalid. The bride's parents claim an immediate payment of
Rs. 5/- from the bridegroom, and also exact the bride-price at a
higher rate than usual. But if these conditions are duly

44 THE KACHARIS SECT.

complied with, no further objections are as a rule made to the
union.

(6) The more usual practice is as follows. When the son of
the house attains a marriageable age, i.e., from fifteen to twenty
years, his parents at once set to work to find a suitable bride
for him. Having made their choice, they pay a visit to the
prospective bride's parents, taking with them certain presents
in the form of rice, liquor, betel-nuts, &c., and formally ask the
daughter's hand for their son. If the presents are accepted by
the girl's parents, it is assumed that the proposal is favourably
received, and the respective parents at one proceed to settle the
amount of the bride-price (gddhan),1 which is always paid by the
bridegroom's family to the parents of the bride. In Darrang
the amount so paid rarely exceeds Rs. 40/- to Rs. 60/-, though
in Kamrup and Goalpara it is said to be often double these
sums ; and even larger still among the Rabhas, Saraniyas, &c.
In paying this formal visit to, the prospective bride's parents,
those of the bridegroom are always accompanied by some of
the elders or leading men of their own village, these latter
acting as witnesses of the marriage contract, and so constitut-
ing in their own persons a very effective, if irregular, system of
marriage registration. The stipulated " bride-price " need not
be paid at once, nor does the actual union take place for some
months after the marriage-contract has been entered into.
And in no case does the bride leave her parents' home until
puberty has been attained ; so that the manifold and obvious
evils inseparable from the system of infant betrothals, and the
prohibition of the marriage of child-widows among the higher
castes of Hindus, happily find no place whatever in the more
wholesome domestic life of the Kacharis.

(c) In cases where the bridegroom or his parents are unable
to pay the bride-price demanded by the girl's parents, it is
usual for the young man to give the equivalent in personal
service in the house of the bride's parents, much as Jacob 2

1 Assamese, ga-dhan, body-price. — [Ed.]

2 See Genesis, xxix. 20. Very eloquent in their simplicity and straight-
forwardness are the words in which the sacred writer describes this "tale
of true love " in the days when the world was young. " And Jacob served
seven years for Rachel and they seemed unto him but a few days, for the love
fie had to her." " The labour we delight in physics pain."

iv RELIGION 45

served in Laban's house seven years for Rachel. The period of
service is a matter of arrangement between the parents of the
parties concerned, and seems to vary greatly, i.e., from three or
four to upwards of twelve or fifteen years. Cohabitation, how-
ever, is allowed after about twelve or eighteen months' service,
and at the conclusion of the full period, the young people are
free to depart whithersoever they will, though they usually
return to the house of the bridegroom's parents. This form of
service is known commonly as " Olad ghar-jiyd"

(d) A modification of the above form of service is that
which is known as " m&l ghar-jiya " (Darrang) or " Khasrot-thdka
ghar-jiya " (Kamrup). In this case the prospective bridegroom
severs all connection with his own family, and identifies him-
self completely with that of his bride, in whose house he serves
until the death of her parents, when with his wife he is
entitled to the whole or the usual share of their property. On
that of his own parents or relatives he retains no claim what-
ever.

The actual ceremony of marriage among the Kacharis can
perhaps hardly be looked upon as of a religious character, but
must be regarded as more of the nature of a social and festive
gathering. The order of proceedings is somewhat as follows : —
On a fixed day a party of the bridegroom's friends, numbering
some four or five women and thirty or forty men, set out for the
house of the bride's parents or guardians. The bridegroom may
himself accompany the party but more frequently does not.
The immediate object of the journey is to bring the bride to the
bridegroom's house. The party take with them nine loads of
viands, i.e., two men carry a pig, other two a large jar containing
rice-liquor, four men carry loads of tdmal-pan, whilst the last
man carries a quantity of eatables meant for the men and cow-
herds, who, it is supposed, might otherwise attempt to prevent
the marriage party from reaching the bride's house. Two
women called bairati are in charge of these materials for the
wedding feast.1 On reaching the bride's house her people pour
freely on the whole party an irritating liquid known as kachu
pdni (water mixed with the juice of the kachu plant) and to
this somewhat rough welcome the bridegroom's party are bound
1 This may be a survival of the old practice " marriage by capture." t

46 THE KACHARIS SECT.

to submit without complaining, although the liquid causes
much irritation to, and even blisters, the skin. Finally the
good things brought by the bridegroom's party are taken
charge of by the bride's people, and the wedding feast is forth-
with duly prepared. The village elders sit in front of the
assembly, often a large one, and the younger people behind,
each guest having in front of him either a brass plate or (more
usually) a plantain leaf. On each of these plates the bride
places a quantity of rice and curry, serving the elders first ; and
when all are duly provided for she makes obeisance to the
assembled company, and sometimes kneels in their midst for
their sanction and approval on entering upon the duties of
married life, her husband when present kneeling with her.
Then one of the village elders, acting as Deori, makes a short
address on the obligations of the married state, ending by
wishing every blessing, &c., to the newly wedded pair, the whole
assembly joining in at the end with one voice " ertiina zdthany,"
i.e., " so may it be," (Amen). The rest of the day is spent in
feasting and merry-making, but towards evening the bride is
formally taken to the bridegroom's house. If on the journey
she has to cross a river, road, or embankment (dli), &c., she is
given at each such crossing nine areca nuts and nine pan-leaves
as presents to overcome her assumed reluctance to proceed
further. (Perhaps another relic of the " marriage by capture "
practice.) Before the bride enters the bridegroom's house,
those who bring her are entitled to receive a jar of molasses
as well as one of rice-liquor, and are hospitably entertained for
the night. It is said that Kachari custom sanctions a certain
interval of time, sometimes amounting to five days, between
the bride's entering her husband's house and the consumma-
tion of the marriage. All expenses attending the marriage
festival, which may extend to Rs. 200/- and upwards, are borne
by the family of the bridegroom, the bride's people as a rule
contributing nothing.

4. Death.

Immediately after death occurs, the corpse is carefully washed
by the nearest relatives, the arms and legs straightened out,
the head anointed with oil, and the hair reverently combed. A
fowl or a pigeon is killed, and from its flesh a curry is prepared

iv RELIGION 47

with vegetables and condiments. A portion of this food is then
placed close by the deceased's head, and the act of feeding him
with a little of it is earned out up to a certain point, though
no food is as a matter of fact actually placed within his lips.
This act is repeated some ten or twelve times, and what
remains of the curry, &c., is then thrown away, no one being
allowed to consume it. The dead man's body is then clothed
with the best garments he owned in his lifetime, and the whole
covered with a perfectly new cloth ; and in this condition it
is taken outside the homestead for final disposal.

There are two recognised way of disposing of the dead, i.e., Disposal
(1) Burial and (2) Cremation. The latter is looked upon as dead6
the more correct and respectable, though from motives of
economy the former is by far the more common. When burial l. Burial,
is decided upon the corpse is carried to its last resting place,
which is often but not always on the banks of a running stream,
by the nearest surviving relatives, no women being permitted
to attend. Should it be necessary for the burial party to cross
a river or irrigation canal, a cord is usually stretched from
bank to bank at the crossing place, either above or below the
water, to serve a kind of bridge for the spirit (jiwa), should he
be at any time disposed to revisit the scenes amid which his
earthly life has been passed.-* Arrived at a suitable place
(there are no recognised cemeteries for the interment), some
pice are thrown on the spot, to purchase the ground from the
deity (maddi) to whom it is supposed to belong. The body is
laid on the ground and the grave duly dug, but before placing
the corpse therein, the friends and relatives make a solemn
procession around it, five times in the case of a man and seven
in that of a woman. The body is then placed in the grave,
a somewhat shallow one, and the nearest relatives proceed to
fill it with earth. In carrying out this process a certain
precaution is taken, -i.e., a hollow reed or a stalk of jungle grass
(kher) is placed perpendicularly in the grave extending from
the nose of the deceased to a point somewhat above the natural
level of the ground ; and in filling the grave with earth, great
care is taken not to injure or displace this reed, so that the
deceased's spirit may be able to breathe should he so desire.

1 Another instance of the prevalence of a belief that spirits cannot cross
running water without assistance. (Cf. The Khasis, pp. 135, 141. — Ed.)

48 THE KACHARIS SECT.

After filling the grave four posts are erected over it, one at
each corner ; and threads passed around them, in order to
prevent the spirits of other men from interfering with the
repose of the deceased. In the case of well-to-do people a
certain number of rupees are usually buried with the corpse,
and even the poorer classes make offerings of pice, &c., for this
pious purpose ; whilst brass and other utensils needed in every-
day life are almost always left on the grave, it being supposed
that the deceased may require the use of these things in the
new state of existence on which he has recently entered.
Finally, a rough shed of thatch is put up close by the grave to
shelter the deceased's spirit from rain and sun.

2. Crema- Very much the same procedure is in vogue in the case of
cremation, which is looked upon as the more respectable
method of disposing of the dead among the wealthier members
of the community. Cremation usually takes place on or near
the banks of running streams, and is prefaced by the formal
buying of the land from the deity (maddi) of the locality.
Here too a certain difference is made in disposing of the corpse
of a man and of a woman respectively ; for in the case of a
woman seven layers of wood are placed under the body and
seven above it, whilst in dealing with a man's corpse Jive such
layers under and five above the body are held to be sufficient.
After placing the body on the funeral pile, the deceased's
friends and relatives pass round it in procession, Jive times in
the case of a man and seven in that of a woman (see above).
The funeral pile is then set on fire on all four sides at once,
and the fire carefully fed until every vestige of the deceased's
body is consumed. The ashes are not carried away, but four
posts are usually placed in the ground enclosing the oblong
space on which the cremation has been carried out ; and on the
tops of these a cloth is spread, which is held to shelter the
spirit of the deceased from sun and rain.

Indica- From what has been written above, it would certainly seem
tions of ^at the Kachari has some idea, however vague and unsatis-

behef in °

life after factory, of a life prolonged after the great change we commonly

death. cajj « death," though his notion of the future life is merely that

of the " first (earthly) life renewed." It has obviously little or

nothing in common with the hope of life eternal in Christ, i.e.,

iv RELIGION 49

life in God, life with God, life like God, given us in the
New Testament (see 1 Cor. xv. ; Phil. iii. 20, 21 ; 1 John
iii. 2).

From such information as the writer has been able to Festivi-
ascertain, there would seem to be few well-marked domestic i'ei)ome8
festivities among the Kacharis, though the race is a very tic.
sociable and hospitable one, and the people entertain each
other freely and frequently.

The two following may perhaps be mentioned : —

A. " Mikham gaddn zdndi," i.e., the " eating of the new rice."
This is a feast held about December 10th (there is apparently
no fixed date), in celebration of the commencement of the cutting
of the great rice crop of the year (sdli dhdn). It is on this
occasion that the proceeds of the newly harvested rice are first
partaken of as an actual article of food. There is perhaps
nothing of a religious character about it, its main feature being
a very free consumption of rice-beer, often resulting in much
drunkenness.

B. " Mahu hanai " (or thdmfoi hasa-nai K}, i.e., " the driving
away of mosquitoes." This is a form of merry-making got up
mainly by the young people of a village about the latter part of
November or early in December, to celebrate the departure of
the mosquito plague for the cold season. Some twenty-five
years ago the writer was passing the night in a school-shed,
and was aroused from sleep by much shouting, dancing, &c.,just
outside the door. On looking out into the moonlight he saw a
group of fantastic figures, some of them clothed in dry plantain
leaves, and wearing a head-dress made of thatch of preposterous
proportions resembling an enormous conical-shaped "dunce
cap." On inquiring the reason of the gathering, he was told
that the performers were " driving away the mosquitoes." No
doubt this is an amusement got up by the younger members of
the community, who are sometimes rewarded for their efforts
by small gifts of money, food, &c., from their elders (cf. " Guy
Fawkes ," at home).

There would seem to be no distinctively tribal festivals 2. Tribal,
characteristic of the Kacharis of this district (Darrang), unless
the January and April Bihus can be regarded as such. The
origin of these two festivals is still somewhat obscure and

E

50 THE KACHARIS SECT.

uncertain, and further light on the subject is greatly to be
desired. Certainly they are not exclusively Kachdri festivals,
for they are observed by the Hindus in this neighbourhood
as well as by the Kacharis.1 Among the latter the January
Bihu is usually celebrated about the 12th of that month. For
weeks previously the young people have been busy building
" Bihu huts " of jungle thatch ; also in erecting tall bamboos,
sometimes surmounted by ragged flags, &c., while straw, thatch
and other combustibles are piled up around these bamboos to the
height of many feet. On the appointed Bihu night these sheds,
&c., are all set fire to amid much rejoicing, dancing, singing, &c.,
and of course there is, as on all like occasions, a liberal
consumption of the national rice-beer. For a month or two
previously to this festival, the village boys and young people
have had to guard the growing and ripening rice crops night
and day ; and in all likelihood this merry-making, which is very
much of the nature of a " Harvest home," is largely an expression
of their joy and gladness at being relieved from this hard and
irksome duty.

The April Bihu, the origin of which it is not so easy to
account for, seem to be a" Saturnalia " of much more objection-
able character. The people abandon themselves freely both to
drunkenness and other forms of licentiousness, and cases of
serious assault and riot have been known to accompany and
follow these gatherings. Among the Darrang Kacharis, this
festival lasts for seven days, during which little or no work is
done, the whole period being given up to merry-making,
dancing, feasting, &c. As is the practice among their Hindu
neighbours, on the opening day all cattle are taken to the
nearest river or tank, and there formally bathed, and after-
wards sprinkled with a preparation compounded of rice-beer
(zu), tomatoes, and turmeric. The horns are smeared with oil,
and occasionally oil, ashes, and pounded rice-flour are applied
in patches to the bodies of the cattle. This duty discharged,
the people abandon themselves to sheer merriment, the younger
folks especially giving themselves up to dancing and singing, &c.

1 The interesting thing is that a Visu festival is also in use in Eastern
Bengal. The matter ia one which might be investigated, say, by the
Vangiya Sahitya Parisat.— [Ed.]

iv RELIGION 51

The verses sung at these festivals seem for the most part to be
little better than mere meaningless jingle-jangle rhymes, made
up on the spur of the moment, though occasionally some of
them give an insight into the peculiar humour of the Kachari
character and temperament. One or two samples of what is
sung at these gatherings are given below : —

1. Agoi, Boisdgi, faidd nang.

Dana bathar jdnai-khai rang zdgan zang.

2. Add Pud Ram, laga laga thangdang ;
Gdmsd hadang, fall hddang, mdna brabdang ?

3. Add Raguna, fdriyd, ai fdriyd,
Namoisa, gunoisa, fdriyd, add fdriyd ;

A ma mdaeyakhosa zuriyd, ddd zuriyd ;
Ddosd mdseyd-khosa zuriyd ddd zuriyd,
&c. &c. &c.

The above represents an exchange of playful banter between
two members (brother and sister) of a Kachdri family who are
about to take part in a Bihu festival or some similar merry-
making. The brother, Pua Rdm, with all a young man's
impatience and eagerness to enjoy the fun, calls to his sister,
Boisagi, to come out from the house and join him at once, while
she from within (couplet two) pleads womanlike for a few
minutes longer grace to complete her personal adornment.
Both brother and sister then join in calling on a near relative,
a mauzaddr, not to shirk his social responsibilities, but at once
to provide the ways and means for a plentiful Bihu feast. The
general sense of the three couplets, somewhat freely translated,
is given below : —

1. Sister Boisagi, come out and play ;
This is our Bihu holiday ;

Don't move inside the house all day.

2. Dear brother mine, I'll come anon
I'm putting my best sari on :

Five minutes' grace ; don't harshly press ;
We ladies miwt have time to dress.

3. Uncle's a wealthy mauzaddr ;
Long has he served the great Sirkar ;
He'll gladly give a bounteous feast,
A round half-dozen pigs at least.

&c. &c. &c.

E 2

52 THE KACHARIS SECT.

II

The following couplet, which is not connected with the fore-
going, calls perhaps for some explanation. The words, of which
a free translation is appended, are supposed to be uttered by a
Kachari damsel, the village belle, to a fickle lover, who, after
paying court to her for a time, deserts her and marries another.
The faithless swain is a man of some little importance in the
village community as a dang ddliyd, or drum-major, one of his
functions being to beat the big drum (modal) at all festivals,
marriage processions, &c. He has the misfortune to* lose his
wife after a month or two of wedded life, and then would fain
return to the " old love."

Armed therefore with his big drum of office and apparelled
in his gayest attire,, he presents himself before the Kachari
belle and renews his suit for her hand. Now the average
Kachari maiden has a wholesome sense of her own value (in
married life she is not unfrequently the " better man " of the
two), and no more relishes being "jilted " than her sisters in
other and more civilised parts of the world. She at once,
therefore, repels his advances in the most positive and un-
qualified way ; and not only so, but in the presence of a large
bevy of scornful village maidens, all highly resentful of the
faithless lover's fickleness, she proceeds to pour contempt on his
suit in the following severely sarcastic couplet (" facit indignatio
versus ") : —

Dang-daliya, dangdaliya.
Mozang mozang gan-bla-ba
Nang-kho nang-li-ya ; nang-li-yi

Handsome raiment though you wear,
I'm not for you, I do declare.

(The original Kachari verse is singularly emphatic.)

Or " You come to me in bright array :
I'm not for you ; be off, I say.
This dandy swain my mate would be ?
No 'second-hand lover,' girls, for me."

The above couplets may perhaps be fairly looked upon as
typical illustrations of the Kachari temperament and character,

IV RELIGION 53

and it may be inferred from them that human nature among
this interesting race does not greatly differ from human nature
in other and more civilised countries of the world.

It may perhaps be added that whilst the Garos living in the
plains observe both the January and the April Bihus their
brethren in the Hills ignore both, though they would seem to
have certain special harvest festivals of their own. The people
of the North Cachar Hills, on the other hand, seem to observe
only one annual Bihu, of the nature of a harvest home, at any
time between October and December. These Kachari festivals
are almost always attended by an immoderate consumption of
the national rice-beer, not to say by actual drunkenness in not
a few cases. On the other hand, they have their good side in
that they help to keep the people to some extent beyond the
influence of the destructive vortex of Hinduism, in which their
simple primitive virtues might otherwise be so readily engulfed,
and the adoption of which in whole or in part is invariably
accompanied by a grave and deep-seated deterioration in
conduct and character.

SECTION V
FOLK-LORE, TRADITIONS AND SUPERSTITIONS

ON this section of the subject there is no need to dwell at
any length ; indeed, materials for the purpose are to a great
extent wanting. Of traditions, properly so called, whether
historical or otherwise, the Kacharis of this district would
seem to be almost absolutely destitute. Nor can they be
regarded as a superstitious race, for it is only when suffering
from a serious outbreak of cholera, Kdld-azdr, or other like
public calamity, that they make frequent, and sometimes
costly, offerings to their deities as shown in some detail in the
preceding section. As a rule the people are of a bright, cheerful
disposition; and as a planter friend once remarked to the
writer, of all the various races employed on his extensive tea
estates the Kacharis were the only people who might be
frequently heard whistling merrily as they went to and
from their daily toil. Moreover, the subject of Kachari folk-
lore has already been effectively dealt with by a writer fully
competent to do it ample justice ; and perhaps the objects
aimed at in this section will be best attained by re-issuing
three or four of the more characteristic and typical of the
interesting series of Kachari folk-tales collected by this
writer, some fifteen years since, from an intelligent member of
the Kachari race still (1906) resident in this district
(Darrang).1

1 See A Collection of Kachari Folk-tales, &c., by J. D. Anderson, Esq.,
I.C.S. (retired). Assam Secretariat Press, Shillong, 1895.

54

SECT, v FOLK-LORE AND TRADITIONS

55

In Section IV some reasons have been given for the view
that the Kachari race has a special respect, if not reverence,
for the element of water, especially perhaps for flowing water,
rivers, &c. And the latter part of the following folk-tale
furnishes some sort of explanation of this presumed respect
and reverence.

Duima diiisd ni Tchordng.

Sanui brai burui man.
Phare unau bisur gothai brai-
burui zalangba, buruia zinga-
sinanai brainu khithanaise
" Brai, zangfurhd zi danai
fisafur dang, bisur ma zananai
thanggan ? " Erui bungba
braia mai hu khamnu lagi
Khuberniau thangnanai, mai
sobai bisor dru lai-megong,
lafa megong, bifur mani-ni
bigot-zului binanai na-i-au
labonanai sansni sanzat
lamaibau hor thdnanai, na
man-fai-naiiai buruinu
khithanaise : " Ang gasenu
bigot-zului Libobai." Phare na-
i-au sanne-su thananai, khet
khamnu lagi sorai fitha-giindui
lananai ha nainu lagi thang-
naise. Phare gaham ha datse
nai-ui frabui fatbrui-thing-bu
zura khananai dinndnai na
fainaise. Unau sanse-ni-khali

How the rivers were made.

Once upon a time there
lived a man and an old woman.
And when they were quite
old, the old woman said to her
husband, " How shall these our
children get food when we are
gone ? " So the old man
travelled afar to the great god
Kuvera,1 the god of riches, and
taking from him seedlings of
paddy, pulse, mustard, and
gourds, journeyed for eight
days and so reached his home.
And after staying a couple of
days he set forth to cultivate,
taking dry food with him.
And first he marked out a
piece of rich land by placing
boundaries on all four sides of
it, and so came home. And
again he set out another day
with hoe and axe, and cut and
burned the jungle, and cleaned
the soil, and after worshipping

1 The hideous Kuvera, god of wealth. He was a white man with three
legs and eight teeth. Apparently, the same as the Hindu Pluto ; and lord of
the shades as well as of wealth.

THE KACHARIS

SECT.

khodal sekha bifur mani
lananai thangnanai hagra
eonanai aru bi hagrafurkho
saun anai h a k h o mazang
khamnaise. Binifrai, sanza
sanap aru sa khla fatbrui-
thing khulumnanai khona
bruithing phongse phongse
zaunaise.

Biaunu ha gasenu mannaise.
Phare baidi baidi mai am fifang
megong thaigong boikhobu
funanai hunaise. Phare haba
zapba braia nai-au thangnanai
zirai-nanai thanaise. Obasu
azibu dang khalibu dang sanse
buruia mai nainu lagi braikho
lugu homnaise. Khintu braia
bungnaise " Lamaiau dui guia.
Nangha dui gangba ang
maunifrai hunu ? " Theobu
bi brai-ni khorang khnasonga-
laba embrabra braikho hom-
naikhai langnang-naise. Phare
thangui thangui maini ha
man-si man-si zaba, burui-ha
dui gdngnanai brainu khit-
habal, braia bungnaise, " Ang
nangnu duhui-nu khitha-
dangman, nongga ? Theobu
angni khorang khna-i-alaba
fainanai angkho dukhu huiu."
Ereui bungba, buruia bung-
naise, " Dini ang dui manlang-
aba thoi-si-gan. Nang ang-nu
dui hunu-nanggo." Phare
unau braia mungbu upai inane
zdnanai, dui namai-nangnaise.
Namaie namaie fukurimanse

on each side of his field — on
the east and on the west, on
the north and on the south —
he struck one blow with his
hoe on each side.

And when all was ready, the
old man planted his seedlings
of various sorts, and finally
went home and rested. And
so, as time went by, the old
woman desired vehemently to
see how the crops were getting
on. But the old man said,
" There is no water on the
road, and if you grow athirst
you will get no relief." But
she persisted and prevailed,
and made her husband take
her along. And as they went
and were now quite close to her
husband's field, behold, the old
woman began to be very thirsty.
And the old man, being
enraged, cried " What did I
tell you ? There is no water
and yet you would come."
But she, being a woman, said
" If you do not give me to
drink I shall die. So water
you must procure as best you
can." So the old man, seeing
no other way, went to seek for
water. And after long search,
seeing a tank, he bound the
old woman's eyes with a cloth

FOLK-LORE AND TRADITIONS

57

nuba bi buruini megonkho hf
zang khananai be fukuri-ha-
lagi langnaise. Aru braia
bungnaise " Nang be fukuri
kho naialaba dui lang."
Khintu dui langba-ru maba
maba dui ni dau aru hangsufra
birlai-ba, bikho khnananai,
bikho nainu lubuinanai nai-
naise. Beaunu daufurni
gele"nai aru rong zlainai
nunanai bihabu brai zang rong
zlainu mon zanaise. Obasu
braia khama, buruia agara.
Phare braia buruini khorang
lanu gnang zanaise. Obasu
bisurha aji-bu-thaiu khali-bu-
thaiu gatha gathai zanaise.
Zaba, bisurkho fisinu haekhai
braia bisurkho buruin i khorang-
zang Hem-ni hazo-au lang-
nanai beaunu fukuri manse
khamnanai baidi baidi na
khamnanai duiau hogarnanai
dinbunaise.

Phare unau Sri braia suima
fudrun mase lananai mui sessa
aru khusung namaibaie namai-
baie dui gangsu dangman.
Ereaunu Sri braia be fukuriau
thang - fnang - naise. Beaunu
dui nunanai langnu namaiba,
nafra bikho raidaunaise,
"Afa, nang beni dui langba,
zangfurkho gahara kham-
nanggan." Beaunu bi sumai
lananai, duikho langba, nafra
bungnaise, " Da nang zang-
furkhu Loitho halagi king."

and dragged her to the water's
edge and said to her, " Drink
if you will, but look not upon
the tank." Now the ducks
and other .water-fowl were
playing in the water, and
were making a merry noise,
clacking and quacking. And,
the old woman being curious,
like all her sex, peeped at them.
And, seeing them at their play,
she too desired to be happy
in her husband's society, and,
though he was very loth,
prevailed with him. And so
in due course there were born
to them many sons and
daughters. And then, in order
to provide for their food, he
journeyed to the Himalayas
and digged a great tank,
stocked with many kinds of
fishes.

Now, one day the god Sri,
the god of good luck, came
that way with his white dog,
a-hunting for deer and hares
and tortoises. And when he
came to the margin of the tank,
behold he was very thirsty.
But when he stooped to drink,
the fishes said to him eagerly
that he must grant them a
boon in return for their water.
To which he assented ; and
when he had satisfied his thirst,
the fishes said, " Take us to the

THE KACHARIS

SECT.

Beaunu Sri braid gaigainu
lauthi zang dru-dru bu-bu-ba
khithu khithu dui bu-hui
bunai, aru nafra bu fainaise.
Bibaidinu duisd zdnaise.
Obasu unau nafra Sri brai-nu
Ido thaise aru khumra thaise
hotnaise. Phare bikhonu
labonanai sase khurma-ni na-
i-au hapfaiba binu zo mikham
dru oma mase buthdtnanai
hunaise. Phare okha naiba
Sri braia be khumrd-kho bini
khurmanu hunaise. Huba bi
khumrakho dankhauba thaka
gaza mannanai aru bati-se
kham zahunu lagi oma buthat-
naise. Aru oma bikhau l man-
se dinnaise. Zakhang-ui-frabui
fainu namaiba oma bikhaukho
Sri brainu hunaise. Huba
dru braia laukhobu khurmanu
hunaise. Bi lau-au darbi gaza
dangman. Khintu be kho-
rangkho braia mithia. Aru
bini khurmaia - bu bi - nu
khitha-i-a-khuise. Unau braia
nai-au fainaise. Aru biha na-
i - au bini fisazu - kho zabrd
zananai thanai nunaise. Bi lao
aru khumra-kho khurma-kho
hulang-naikhai bibaidi zabrd
zanai aru bini khurmaia-bu be
lao aru khumra-kho lakhman-
aikhai zabra gabrap zananai
thanaise. Obasu bini unau
nafra oza za-thi-nanai bisur-ni
na-i-au thangndnai gadan nai-

1 = a "side

great river, the Brahmaputra
(or Lohit)." So the god Sri
tied them to his staff, and drew
them after him, making runnels
of water. And that is how the
rivers were made. And the
fishes in return gave him a
pumpkin and a gourd. And,
taking these with him to a
friend's house, his friend
regaled him with rice-beer
and pig's flesh; and in the
morning he gave his friend the
pumpkin. But when his friend
cut open the pumpkin, it con-
tained nothing but pure silver.
So he bade the god Sri stay
another day, and brewed fresh
beer and killed another pig,
and when he was going away
gave him a flitch of bacon to
take with him. So the god
Sri gave him also the gourd.
But when he cut open the
gourd, it contained nothing
but pure gold. And so the
god Sri journeyed to his home.
And when he got there, he
found that his little daughter
was very ill. And that was
because he had given away the
presents which the fishes had
made him. But the fishes
took pity on him, and came to
him in the guise of physicians,
and told him that if he would
worship and do sacrifice on
the banks of rivers, then his
" of pork.

FOLK-LORE AND TRADITIONS

59

hui-nanai1 khithanaise " Nang-
sur zusa mairong dm goe zorase
aru dau mase lananai duisa-i-
au hunanai khulumbd, nang-
sur-ha zabra zagan. Besur
bibaidi-nu khamnanai zabra
zanaise. Binikhai da Barafra
duisa duima-furkho khulumu.
Zapbai.

daughter would be healed;
which he did. And that is
why we Kacharis worship
rivers. And that is all.

II

The moral of the following story is a thoroughly sound one.
It is obviously a kind of sermon on such familiar texts as
«' Procrastination is the thief of time," " Never put off to
to-morrow what you should do to-day," &c. Its teaching is
clearly the same as that which finds expression in the well-
known words :

" There is a tide in the affairs of men
Which taken at the flood leads on to fortune :
Omitted, all the voyage of their lives
Is bound in shallows and in miseries."

Sdse olsia gdthd ni khordng. The Story of the Lazy Boy.

Sase olsid gath£ dangman,
Bi malai hali oinanai mai gai
zap - ba, obasu bi mamar
dubliau hali oi - hui - dang.
Phare Buthur2 braia olsid
gatha-kho hali oinai nunanai
bi thangnu haekhai, bungnaise,
" Helui gatha, nanglai da ma
hali oidang-ui,buthura mobaba-
nu thangbai. Da mai gaiba
ma za - bau - nu ? " Theobu
bi bikho nai-fina, mosokno bua
dhum dhum dham dham

There was once a very lazy
boy. And when everybody else
had planted out his paddy, he
was only setting forth to
plough. But the old man of
the season, seeing him, said
" The season has gone ; what
are you ploughing for now ?
The paddy is all planted out,
and it is late." But the boy
would not listen to him, and
ploughed sturdily ahead, beat-
ing his cattle soundly as he

1 Gaddn nai-hiii-nai means " observing omens."
3 I.e. , the season personified.

6o

THE KACHARIS

SECT,

bunanai, natzret nat-flet hali
oibai thaiu. Unau braid
khonle khonle sungnaikhai
gathaa brap-nanai nai-gedau-
nanai bung-naise, " Nanglai
mauni brai lui ? Ang kho
hali oinaiau be baidi sungbai
thaiu ? Angha ma zadang, ang
su mithidang." Beaunu braia
bungnaise " Nongga, lui afa,
ang nangkho gaham khorang-
su khithanu namaidang."
Beanu gathaa bungnaise " Ma
khorang dang ? Mamar kitha.
Angha hali oinu san zolangbai."
Obasu braia bungnaise "Da
hali oinanai ma zanu ? Buthur
thangbai," hanba, gathaa bung-
naise "Bi bobething thang-
khu? Mau thangkhu, nang
angnu kithananai hu. Ang mai
gainu manaba, ma zananai
thang - gan ? " Obasu braia
bungnaise " Nang aglanu
malai zang luguse hali oinanai
mai gaiba hamgauman, dalai
buthurkho sur nunu hago, aru
mabrui bikho laifin-nu ? "
Beaunu gathaa bungnaise
" Nang khithinanai hunu haba,
ang bikho zeruibabu labonu
hagan." Hanba bikho braia
bulu haekhai khithanaise
" Nang bething thangui thaba
khara phut - thru - thru brai
sase thokon thunanai dubli
gezer gezer thangnai nugan.
Obania nang bikhonu horn.
Aru bi zere khitha-i-u, nang

went. And when the old man
again and again questioned
him, he cried " What sort of
old man is this ? Can he
not see that I am busy ? I
know very well what I am
about." But the old man said
gently, " Nay, my son : but it
is for your good that I would
speak to you." And the boy
said " Speak quickly then, and
have done with it." And the
old man said, " My son, the
season is gone ; what avails it
to plough now?" And then
the boy cried " Where has it
gone ? And when has it gone ?
And why has it gone ? And
how shall I find it?" But
the old man of the season said,
"You should have ploughed
when others did. The season
has gone, and no man can
bring it back." But the boy
said, " I must bring it back ;
else, how shall I eat, and how
shall I live ? Do tell me
where it is gone." And as he
would not let the god go,
finally, losing patience, he said
"You go over there, and you
will find an old man with a
snow-white head ploughing in
a field. You get hold of him
and do as he tells you." So
saying, he made his escape.
Then the lad hastened home
to his mother and bade her
cook supper quickly, and tie

KACHAKI WOMAN

FOLK-LORE AND TRADITIONS

61

bebaidinu khamdui " hanndnai,
buthur braid thdngnaisei.
Obdsu gathad hdli hogarndnai
naiau fainanai biraa buruikho
mdmdr kham songnu hundnai,
zaui Idngui bimdnu kithdnaise
"Ai, nang gabun fungzdni
kham songnanai hu, dru
mairong khothase bunndnai
hu. Ang buthur braikho husu-
lang-nu ndnggo. Mand-thu
dini ang hdli oinaiau brai
sdse faindnai mai gainaini
Buthurd thdng-bai hanndnai
kithdndi, dru bikho husu-
langbd mangan, dru bi zere
khdmnu thinu, bebaidi - nu
kham, hanndnai kithaldngnai."
Obdsu burid okhd naibd
kham songnanai gathakho
zd-hu-ui lang-hu-ui mairong
khotdse bunnanai hunanai
gatha-kho hogarnaise. Gathad
thangui thdngui zaikhonu lugu
manu, bikhonu sungu, bisur
bungu : " Buthur thdngbai
hannanai mithigo. Bi mdbrui
aru bobething thdngkhu,
bikho zangfur khithdnu
haid." Beaunu gathaa gadau-
srau zdndnai bobething thdn-
gan hanndnai zerenu manu
erenu dubli gezer gezer thdbai-
baibd gazanau brai sdse nu-
hotnaise. Nuhotbdbinu buthur
zdnu ndnggo nungndnai, bikho
bungnaise " Afd rath3, ; dase
ratha. Ang nang-ni-au manse
khordng sungnu ndmaidang. "

him up some rice to take with
him on the morrow, for he was
going to bring back the de-
parted season for ploughing.

" For," said he, " when I was
ploughing to-day, an old man
told me that the season was
gone, and that if I went after
him and pursued him I would
find him, and that I must do
as he would tell me." So she
rose very early in the morning,
and, giving him to eat and
drink, sent him on his way.
And as he went, he asked all
he met " Can you tell me
where the old man of the
season has gone ? " But they
said, " Everyone knows that
the season is gone, but where
it is gone, or why it is
gone, who can say ? " At last,
when he was nearly in despair,
he saw an old man ploughing
afar off, and shouted to him
" Stay a moment, father, stay ;
I want to ask you a question."
But the old man was busy,
and went his way. Then the
lad pursued him and never
ceased calling after him till
at last the old man losing
patience, turned upon him,
and said, " What pertinacious
noisy lad is this, who won't
leave me alone ? " But the
lad said, "Be not angry, my
father; I am fallen into great
trouble, and it behoves you to

62

THE KACHARIS

SECT.

Theobu braid khnasonglaba
thdngui thaiu. Gathaa - bu
khithu khithu thangui than-
gui khithalangu. Gabauzang
braia nai fafinnanai bungnaise
" Md hekhong hekhong sur
gathalui mauni lui nanglai ? "
hannanai sungba gathaa bung-
naise "A\fd brai, da braplui.
ang manse dukhuau gaglaina-
nai, nangni khathiau faidang,"
hanba braia " Mamar khitha ;
mdmar khitha; ang thangnu
nanggo, angha naa gazan,
hor-tho-hui-gan ; " hannaise.
Obasu gathaa khithanaise,
" Afa, ang nangkho buthur brai
baidi nui'u. Binikhai nang
angkho da buthat. Malaia
boibu mai gaithra-bai ; ang
un zananai dase-bu gainu ha-e-
khuise. Binikhai nang dase
thang-fafin-ba angha mai
zdgan " bungnaikhai, braia
binu khitha-naise, " Ang da
faibai, thang fa-finnu halid,
nang benifrai mamar thang-
nanai, zese hdiu gathdng-
gabram hali oinanai mai
gaihuithang." Obasu gathad
fainanai zerenu manu erenu
khothia x-khini - kho gaibrop-
nanai dinnaise. Zapbai.

help me." " Speak quickly,
then," said the old man. And the
boy said, " I take you to be
the old man of the season, and
I pray you not to slay me.
All the others have planted
out their paddy, and I have
fallen behind, and have planted
nothing. Therefore, unless you
turn back, I cannot hope to
get any harvest." But the old
man said, " It is too late for
me to return. Go you back,
and plant your paddy as best
you can." And so the lad
hastened back and planted
out his seedlings in such heed-
less haste as became him.
And that's all.

Ill

By his Hindu neighbours the Kachari is often looked upon
as a Bosotian, a simpleton from whom little in the way of

1 Assamese.

v FOLK-LORE AND TRADITIONS 63

intelligent action is to be expected. And undoubtedly in the
matter of mere book-learning he is never likely to take a very
high place, nor will he shine brightly in the examination-room
as an ordinary competitor. On the other hand, he is often
endowed with certain practical qualities which are of great
value to him in the battle of life. He usually has no small share
of what is well called "the saving sense of humour," which prevents
him from taking himself too seriously, and does not a little to
lighten for him the cares and toils of life. Of his possession of
this invaluable endowment many illustrations will be found in
the collection of Kachari Folk-tales, &c., referred to above, a
volume which the curious in such matters will do well to
consult. And in addition to his sense of humour, he has often
a goodly supply of sound homely mother wit, which stands him
in good stead when brought into relations with other men, who
from a merely intellectual point of view are undoubtedly his
superiors. These, and other like endowments of great price,
often enable him to seize with unerring instinct on the weak
points of an opponent's position and to avail himself of them
with no little dexterity and success. In the following amusing
story, for instance, the simple (?) Kachari servant completely
outwits his astute Brahmin master, turning the tables on the
latter to his no small dismay and discomfiture.

Bdmun dru lini sdkor ni The Brahmin and his

Khordng. Servant.

Sase Bamun dangman, aru There was once a Brahmin

biha sakor sase dangman. who had a servant. And one

Sanse sane zang Bamun ni bi- day when they were going to

hau-bikhunzu-ni naiau thang- the house of the Brahmin's

nu-lagi thalit gur gakhir sorai mother-in-law, the Brahmin

lananai sakhor-kho ban huna- gave his servant a bunch of

nai, bikho khithanaise " Nang plantains and other things to

be thalit-furkho da za. Zaba carry, and said to him, " Now,

angha khithu fatse bu megon mind you don't eat those

dang." Eru hannanai thangui plantains, for I can see just as

thanaise. Phare unau boi well behind as I can in front."

sakhorha mikham ukhuiba, And, so saying, he marched

64

THE KACHARIS

SECT.

thalit - kho lananai, thaise
thaise binu un-phat-si khith-
inanai bebaidinu boib6-kho-bu
za-thro-langnaise. Phare unau
bisur dapseau zirai-huiba, Ba-
mun bibankho nueakhai,
sakhor-ni sigang-au sungnaise
" Bibana ma zakhu ? " Oba
sakhora bungnaise, " ang duk-
hui-nu nangnu khithinanai bi
thalit-furkho zabai. Aru d4
nang manu sung-dang ? " Be-
baidinu Bamund bolo x haekhai
sri sri thanaise. Phare besur
beaunu kham song-za-nu-lagi
zothon khamnaise, aru beaunu
nd khawai ma-ne-su mandang-
man. Bini sakhornu mase
bud hunanai, gdsenu Bamund
lanaise. Phare zebld kham
man-naise, sane-bu zanu lagi
zodangman. Ereaunu sakhora
sungnaise " Bamun gohain, na
khawaaia mase bua daugaiu,
na dulu dulu daugaiu ? "
Beaunu Bamuna bungnaise
"Dulu dulu daugiau." Oba
bi bini nd masekho bini kham-
au khubui-hot-detnaise,"Mana-
thu be hatsing dauganu haia,
nang-ni zang duluse zathang."
Beaubu gaigai-ni khorang-
zang-nu zennanai bikho mung-
b4 bung-nu haia-khuise.
Unau khamkho sakhord hatsing
manzanaise.

Phare binifrai thangui than-
guisimli bifang duluse nunanai,

ahead. And presently the ser-
vant, getting hungry plucked
one of the plantains from the
bunch, and, holding it out to
his master's back, ate it. And
this he did again and again
till all the plantains were
gone. And when the Brahmin
presently asked what had be-
come of the load, the servant
said, " You told me you could
see behind as well as in front.
So I showed you each plan-
tain before I ate it. And you
never said anything."

So the Brahmin went his
way speechless. Presently they
stopped to cook their midday
meal, and they had got with
them a few khawai fish. But
the Brahmin gave only one to
his servant, and kept' the
rest himself. And when he
was about to eat, the servant
asked innocently " Oh ! Brah-
min, do khawai fish swim about
singly or in shoals ? " To
which the Brahmin said,
"Why, in shoals, of course."
So the servant said, "Then
my fish had better go with
yours." And, so saying, he
threw his fish on the Brah-
min's mess, which was defiled.
So the Brahmin got no dinner,
and the servant ate the whole.

A little later they came
across a number of simul trees.

1 Assamese.

FOLK-LORE AND TRADITIONS

Bamun-kho sungnaise "Bamun
gohain, be nunai bongfang-
fra ma bongfang ? " Bamuna
khithanaise " sirmolu." Sak-
hora bungnaise : " Sirmolu
nungga. Bikho hirmolu hanu."
Phare obasu phong-ba phong-
ba sonu lagi khorang khalai-
naise. Phare gurkhia duluse
lugu mannanai, bisurkho sung-
ba, " himulu " hanndnai bisur
bungnaise. Obanu sunga-hoa-
laba Bamunkho phongba
sonaise.

Aru bebaidi thangui thangui
burma duluse nunanai sakhora
Bamunkho sungnaise " Bamun
gohain, boi gangsu zabai thanai
zanthu-fur ma bungo ? "
Bdmuna khithanaise " Bifur
sag." Sakhora bungnaise
" Nungga, bifur sagoli." Beau-
bu bibaidinu Bamuna phongba
so - za - naise. Aru binifrai
thangnanai dau-ba duluse
nunanai sungnaise. " Bamun
gohain, befur ma dau ? "
Bamuna bungnaise " Nang
bifurkho mithia ? Bifurkho
bog hanu." Bi bungnaise
" Ma bog hanu ? Nungga.
Bikho boguli hanu." Beaubu
bebaidinu Bamuna phongba
soza naise. Unau bi manse
slok hannaise :

Seeing them, the servant asked
his master, " And what do they
call these trees, master ? "
And the Brahmin (being an
educated man) said, " These
are sirmolu." But the servant
said, " Not so, not so. These
are himulu," and offered to bet
five blows that it was so. And,
meeting some cowherd boys,
he asked them what the trees
were. And when they said
"himulu," he gave the Brahmin
five blows without further
question.

Next they met a drove of
goats. " And what may these
be, Brahmin, these animals
that are grazing ? " And the
Brahmin said, "These be called
chag." But the servant cried,
" Not so, not so. These are
chagali." And the result, as
before, was that the Brahmin
was worsted and got five blows.
And next they came across a
flock of paddy-birds, which the
Brahmin called "Bog," but
the servant "Boguli." And
again he was worsted and got
his five blows. On which he
consoled himself by reciting
an Assamese saying, to the
effect that it is ill arguing with
a fool :

" S£g sirmolu bog ba-kdran

Tini pdnch panra kil suda akaran."

66

THE KACHARIS

SECT.

Pha binifrai thangnanai
bihaibikhunzu ni n£ khathi
manba, sakhorkho thin-hot-
gru-nanai khithanaise " Nang
thangnanai raamar kham
songnu thin ; manathu angha
mikham ukhui - su - dang."
Phare bibaidi-nu bi thang-
nanai, Bamun-ni bikhunzunu
hangs u buthatnanai sobai
khare zang mikham songnanai
dinnu khithanaise, aru bung-
naise, " Nangni nangza-maduia
megongau gabap nunggaba
zaia." Obasu bi songnanai
dinnaise. Phare unau biza-
maduia so-fai-banu, mamarui
kham khutnanai hunaise. Biza-
maduia ukhui - su - nai - khai,
kham megong mungbo basia-
lab£ zanu gnang zanaise.

Abasu unau bebaidinu baidi
baidi lazi mannai zanaikhai,
Bamuna bidanulagi sitti gangse
lit-nanai sakhorni akhai-au
hunanai na-i-au hotnaise.
Lama sase thangba, beaunu
litnu-grang sdse mansui lugu
man-nanai, binu sitti khithi-
naise. " Beau ma litdang, ang-
nu khitha." Obasu, mansuia
sitti-kho nainanai, "Nangkho
dannu lage Bamun ni bida-kho
thindang" erui bungba, bi
sitti-kho phisinanai bungnaise
" Afa nang angnu gubun sitti
gangse litnanai hu." Aru be
sittiau erehai lit, " ada, nangni
fisahingrzauzang be sakhora

And when they were now
come near the Brahmin's
mother-in-law's house, and the
Brahmin was become very
hungry, he sent his servant on
ahead to beg them to get
supper ready. So the servant
went on ahead and bade the
Brahmin's mother-in-law cook
a duck and put in lots of plan-
tain ashes, which the Kacharis
use for salt, well knowing that
his master disliked its acrid
taste. So the duck was cooked
with plenty of alkali.

And when the Brahmin
arrived, his meal was set before
him, and he was so hungry
that he had to eat it whether
he liked its savour or no.

And so in various ways the
Brahmin was put to shame by
his servant. So he wrote a
long letter to his brother, and
putting it in his servant's
hand, bade him deliver it.
But he went a little way, until
he met a man who could read
and write, and he bade him
tell him what was written in
the letter. And the man read
him the letter, which was to
the effect that the brother was
to kill the servant. On this,
the servant tore up the letter
and bade his friend write
another one, saying: "Dear
brother, on receipt of this letter

KACIIARI CIIRI. (Kamnip District).

/•'r,u>t a riiflttigi-a/ih by Mrs. //. A. Cnlqiiha

FOLK-LORE AND TRADITIONS

man-hui-ba-nu haba khamna-
nai hu. Ang benifrai thang-
nanai bisur-ni haba nunu
nangga" Bebaidinu be sitti-
kho langnanai Bamun-ni
bidanu hunaise. Khintu bi
sittikho nunanai, monau
dukhu man-su-naise. Theobu,
bigui-ni khorang garnu haek-
hai, fisazu zang mamar haba
khamnanai hunangnaise.

Phare sanse thananai bi
fainanai bida - kho sungba
gasenu khorang khnanai, bi
sakhor kho dannulagi sri sri
upai khamnaise. Be upaikho
sakhorni hingzaud mithinanai,
bekho onnanai binu khithan-
aise. Khithaba, hingzau zang
horau uduniau mosofisa mase
kha-khrop-nanai futhunanai
dinnaise. Phare Bamuna fisazu
zang udubai thadang mon
khamnanai, sri sri thangnanai
mosofisakho dannaise. San-so-
ba mosafisdkho danfnang-nai
nunanai mamarui bizamadui
sakhor-kho garhuinu lagi
thinnaise. Khintu bizamaduia
bisurni bariau langnanai, lan-
zai dihonndnai, fopnanai din-
naise. Unau Bamuna mosa
buthatnai-ni nungge sri sri
uddhar zanu lagi gamini
mansuifurkho lingnanai phozu
hudangman. Phare mansuifur
zanu zoba, sakhora bariau
thangnanai moso lanzai-kho
bunanai bungnaise " Bdmuna

marry my servant to my niece
without delay. I shall not be
able to come to the wedding."
Taking this letter, the ser-
vant went to his master's
brother, who was much vexed,
but dared not disobey. Ac-
cordingly, though reluctantly,
he married the servant to his
daughter.

And, when the master came
to see if his servant had been
disposed of, and heard what
had happened, he set about to
kill him. But his niece got to
know of the matter and told
her husband, who got a calf,
and, binding it hand and foot,
put it by her in her bed. And
in the night the Brahmin came,
and thinking the calf was his
niece's husband sleeping by
her side, killed it. And when
he found out his mistake in
the morning, and learned that
he was guilty of cow-killing, he
bade his niece's husband go and
bury the calf in all haste. And
the servant dragged the calf
into the garden and buried it
with its tail sticking out of the
ground. Meanwhile, the
Brahmin set to work to get
himself purged of the offence
of cow-killing, and summoned
the villagers to a feast without
telling them why. And when
they were all seated, the servant
F 2

68

THE KACHARIS

SECT.

mosobu buthard-khui phozu-
bu hud khiii, hui-su." Bebaidi
bungbai-thdbd, phozuni man-
suifra khndndnai, phozu
zaidkhuise. Bebaidimi bisur
ud dhdr mandkhuise. Zapbai.

ran out into the garden and
hauling at the calf s tail, called
out, " The Brahmin didn't kill
a cow, Oh, no. And that isn't
why he gives a feast, Oh, no."
So the feast broke up, and the
Brahmin was not absolved.
And that's all.

IV

KACHARI THEORY OF THUNDER AND LIGHTNING l

Aglaiau sase raza dangman,
aru bihd hoasa sase, hingz-
hausd sase, dangman. Hoasdni
nau Raona, hingzhausani nau
Rdoni, dangman. Lase lase
bisur gaded zaabd Raonaia
gagai binanaukhonu habd
khamnu namainai. Sanse
Raonaia runuiau thahoinai.
Amphdra bini bifaia ikham
zdnu namaibd manakhuise,
manathu bi runuiau thdnakho
bifaidmithidkhauman. Amphd
bini sdse bandid runuiau
nundnoi rdzdui sigdngau
khithanaisui ; abdnu razaid
thangndnoi sanghoinaisui,

There was once a king who
had one son and one daughter.
The son's name was Raona and
the daughter's Rdoni. As they
gradually grew up together,
Raona wished to marry his
sister. One day Raona re-
mained alone in an outhouse
unknown to his father ; and
when the latter wished his son
to come to dinner, the young
man could not be found.
However, a servant saw the
youth in the outhouse and
told the king, who going to
the boy asked him what was
the matter. " If," said the king,

balui " Afa, nangnu md ndng- " you want an elephant, I will
go ? Hdthi nanggobd, hdthi give you an elephant ; if you

hugan ; gorai nanggobd, gorai
hugan; theobo nang manau
dukhu da kham," hannanoi
khithdnaisui. Aba Rdonaia
hannaisui, " Angnu mungbo
nanga ; nang sumai Idbasu ang
khithdgan." Amphd bifaia

want a horse, I will give you a
horse ; but do not abandon
yourself to sorrow in this way."
And then Rdond replied, "I am
in no special want of anything,
but if you give me a promise
on oath, I will tell you what is

1 From the writer's Outline Grammar of the Kachdri (Bard) Language,
pages 80-82. Shillong, 1884.

FOLK-LORE AND TRADITIONS

69

mungbo uphai manikhai sumai
lananoi khithanaisui, "Nangnu
zikhonu natiggo, bikhonu
hugan." Hanba Raonaia
bungnaisui, " Angnu Raonikho
haba khamnanoi hu; abasu
ang mikham dui langgan."
Aba bifaia bibaidi khorang
khnananoi manau zabra-sin
dukhu mannaisui. Amphare
bifaia guninanoi sumai lanai-
khai haba khlamnanoi hunu
zathan khlamnaisui ; khintu
be khorangakha Raonini sigan-
gau khithanu bada hunai ;
binikhai raubo khithai-a-
khuise. Ampha Raonia
mairang sunu thangba duiga-
thanau sase buruia Raoniniau
sangnaisui, balui, " Nangsurha
ma zaadang?" Aba Raonia
khithanaisui, "Zangfra adaha
haba zaagan." Aru buruid
hannaisui, " Maunithu hingz-
hausa zang haba zaanu ? "
Raonia bungnaisui, " Ang
khithanu haia." Abanu buruia
hannaisui, balui, " Ai, nang
zangsu haba zaanunu." Aru
Raonia hannaisui, " Ai, be
khorang thik na ? " hannanoi
sangba, buruia sumai lanaisui.
Aba Raonia akhrangsau
birlang-naisui, aru Raunikho
birlangnai nunanoi Raonaiabo
guzarinanoi hasu-langnaisui.
Bikhonu mansuifra akha
khrumniakhonu "Raona
guzaridang " hannanoi bungu ;
aru Raoni khatldngnanai thap

the matter." Thereupon, the
king, seeing that there was no
help for it, took an oath say-
ing, "Whatever you want, I
will give it to you." And then
Raona said, "Give me per-
mission to marry Raoni, and
then I will eat my food." On
hearing this the king was
sorely troubled in his mind;
but remembering the terms of
his oath, he took steps to bring
about the marriage, at the
same time forbidding anyone
to mention the matter to
Raoni, who, therefore, heard
nothing about the proposed
marriage with herself. But
one day Raoni went to the
village stream to clean the
rice for the daily meals, when
an old woman met her and
inquired, "What is going on
in the palace to-day ? " And
Raoni replied, " The son of the
house is to be married to-day."
And when the old lady asked
further " But to whom is he to
be married ? " Raoni replied,
" Mother, I cannot say." And
then said the old dame,
" Raoni, it is you that he is
going to marry." And when
Raoni inquired, " Mother, can
this be true ? " the old woman
took an oath to confirm what
she had said. And then
Raoni at once flew right away
up into the sky, and when
Raona saw Raoni thus flying

7o THE KACHARIS SECT, v

naifinba bini makhanga at away, he shouted after her,
baidi nuiii, bikhonu akha doing his utmost to catch her.
mablibnai hanu ; Barafra eroi It is these loud shouts and
bhabiu. threats of Raona that men

call " thunder " ; and when
Raoni occasionally looks back
to see if her pursuer is gaining
upon her, she in so doing
reveals for an instant the
brightness and beauty of her
face, glowing like fire ; and it
is this bright, dazzling beauty
of her countenance that men
call " lightning."

Hence during a thunder storm may sometimes be heard the
words " Raonikho Raonaia hasudang," i.e. " Raona is chasing
Raoni."

It is not impossible that the foregoing story may be a
Kachari version, greatly altered, of a well-known episode told
at length in the Ramayana, i.e. the abduction of Sita by
Ravana the demon-king of Ceylon. The name Ravana in a
slightly altered form (Raona) is not unknown among the
Kacharis of this district (Darrang). About four or five miles
south-west of the Udalguri Thana there are still existing the
remains of a very fine earthwork road, known to this day as
" Rowana's embankment " (Ravanagarh), which gives its name
to the Mauza in which it is situated. The construction of this
earthwork must have involved a large outlay of labour, but the
tradition about it is that it was thrown up in a single night
by Ravana and his followers, the Rakhshases, Asurs, &c.

N.B. — Among the Kacharis of the North Kachar Hills, the
mode of accounting for thunder and lightning is very different
from that given above, though towards the end of the account
given by the late Mr. Soppitt l certain statements are made
which would serve to show that the two theories have some-
thing in common.

1 See Soppitt 's Historical and Descriptive Account of Kachdri Tribes in the
North Kachar Hill*, pages 52 (foot) to 55.

SECTION VI
OUTLINE GRAMMAR, ETC.

THE mother tongue of the Bara race at least as spoken in
this (Darrang) district undoubtedly belongs to the " Aggluti-
native" as distinct from the Inflexional family of languages.
Here and there, perhaps, certain slight traces of inflexion may
be found, but even these are doubtful and in any case very rare,
indeed where they exist at all it may perhaps be assumed that
they have been adopted with some obvious modifications from
the speech of their Assamese and Bengali neighbours.

In the following pages only a very slight outline sketch of
Kachari Grammar is attempted, as the writer has already dealt
with the subject at some length over twenty years ago,1 and
most of the conclusions then arrived at still hold good, so far as
the Kacharis of Darrang are concerned. But it is hoped that
what little is given here may be of service to those who
may have occasion to learn and make use of this language in
after years. No attempt is made to draw any clear or well
defined line between Accidence and Syntax, for these two closely
allied branches of the subject may be best studied together by
the use of certain illustrative sentences which to the attentive
reader will give an insight into the structure of the language,
whilst at the same time doing something to supply him with a
useful vocabulary of words and phrases.

1 He may perhaps venture to refer the curious in these matters to his
Outline Orammar of the Kachari (Bdrd) Language. Shillong, 1884. An
admirable summary of the leading features of this form of Non-Aryan
speech is given in the Linguistic Survey of India, Vol. Ill, Part II, by
Dr. Grierson, Calcutta, 1903, pages 1-17 and ff.

71

72 THE KACHARIS SECT.

1. Nouns.
1. Gender.

A. Nouns denoting inanimate objects have no formal
distinction of gender as Od, a bamboo, mai rice (paddy).

B. In the case of animate objects, the gender of the noun is
indicated by a separate qualifying word, placed usually after
the noun, e.g.

(a) Hoa, man (male) ; Hingzhau, woman (female) used only of
human beings.

(&) " Zala," zo' used of birds, e.g. Dau zald, a cock ; dau zo, a
hen.

2. Number.

Plurality (there is no dual) is indicated by adding fur, fra, or
far, to the singular as

masa, a tiger.

masa-fur (-fra or -far), tigers.

3. Case.

The case endings, which hold good of nouns, pronouns, and
adjective are given below : —

Singular. Plural.

Nom masa a "\ masa-far, tigers, &c.

Obj kh6 a (case-endings identical with those

in singular number).

Instru zang by a ..."

Dat no to a ...

Abl ni-frai from a..

Poas ni _ ofa...\

„ ... ha „ /

Loc au (iau) in a ...

Voc Heloimosa... 0 _,

(a) The possessive case has two signs, the former (ni) being
by far the more commonly used.

(&) The ablative case ending is a compound one, as its proper
sign (frai) is preceded by that of the genitive, ni. The same
remark holds good sometimes with the locative case,

II. Adjectives.

1. Many adjectives begin with the letter g, to which a very
short vowel is attached, so short indeed that in rapid speaking

vi OUTLINE GRAMMAR, ETC. 73

the vowel of the first syllable may not be heard at all, whilst in
composition this first syllable is sometimes omitted altogether,
as

" mansoia gaham na ? " Ham-go,
man good (is he ?). Good (he) is.

2. In composition the adjective usually, though not in-
variably, follows the noun it qualifies, as

Doima ga-sum.
(The) water black = (kala pani).

3. Comparison.

This is effected by appending the syllable "sari" or "khri"
( = than) to the word with which comparison is made, this
word being always in the dative case. The superlative degree
is denoted much in the same way, the noun being preceded by
some word signifying " all," thus

(a) Bi ang-no-khri gft-zau — he (is) taller ' than I (com-
parative).

(5) Bi boi-na-sari ga-zau-sin — he is the tallest of all (super-
lative).

In making these comparisons the first syllable (ga) of the
adjective is often omitted : as

nang ang-no-khri zau (ga-zau) i.e. zau = (ga) zau, tall,
you I than tall (are).

4. Numeral Adjectives.

The numerical system in this District is very defective, only
seven digits, i.e. se, ne, tham, bre (br5i), ba, ra (da), sni (smi),
being generally used, though the remaining three, skh(5, zat, zi
(zu), are occasionally recognised. There is also a useful
collective word za-khai = four, which when followed by two
numerals is to be multiplied by the former whilst the latter is
to be added to the product so obtained ; thus

zakhai-tham sa tham,

Four x three + three = fifteen (men).

Burma zakhai-bre ma-ne,

Goats four x four + two = 18 goats.

74 THE KACHARIS SECT.

Before the second numeral are always inserted certain mono-
syllables, which classify the noun referred to, e.g. as above, sa
(human beings) 'and ma (irrational animals). This classifying
syllable always indicates the point at which the multiplication
ends and the addition begins.

III. Pronouns.

(a) The personal pronouns which undergo no change of form
to indicate gender are : —

1. Ang I. Zang-fur we.

2. Nang thou. Nang-sur you.

3. Bi he, she, it. Bi-sur (fdr) they.

The possessive pronoun is expressed simply by putting the
personal pronoun in the possessive case, as —

Be" ang ni no", this (is) my house. This me of house (is).

To nouns expressing close family relationship, pronominal
prefixes of possession are commonly added, e.g. —

Father.

Mother.

My
Your ...
His

Ang-ni a-fa.
Nang-ni nam-fa.
Bi-ni bi-fa. 1

Ang-ni d-i.
Nang-ni nam-ma.
Bi-ni bi-ma.

1 A very similar construction in Assamese may be compared with this, viz
Father.

My morb6pai

Your... torbaper

His tarbapek

-[Ed.]

Interrogative pronouns in common use are —

1. Sur (sar)— who ?

2. Ma— what ? Plural ma-fur.

3. Ba-be — which (of two or more) ?

The demonstrative pronouns are : —

1. Be" — this (near).

2. BSi— that (far).

3. Bi — that (of remote distance).

vi OUTLINE GRAMMAR, ETC. 75

Properly speaking, there are no relative pronouns, though
a form zi, borrowed from Assamese, is sometimes heard. The
place of the relative pronoun is usually supplied by a
participle, e.g. —

Mi-a nu-nai masa thoi-bai.

yesterday seen tiger died has.

IV. Verbs.

1. The verb substantive is dang-a, is, dang-man, was, za-gan,
will be; this last being apparently formed from the root,
za-no, to become. The negative forms are

(1) g<5i-a (emphatic g5i-li-a) and (2) ming-a, it is not.
A very useful word is nang-go (Assamese la-ge), to express
necessity, the negative form is nang-a, needless, in emphasis,
nang-li-a, altogether needless. This root nang is often appended
to nouns to form adjectives, as

Be budhi-gnang (or nang).
He is possessed of sense.

2. Conjugation.

In Kachari the verb undergoes no change to express number
or person, which are indicated by the subject alone. But a
slight trace of inflexion (euphonic) is perhaps found in the fact
that when a verbal root ends in a vowel and the termination
begins with one, a disagreeable hiatus is avoided by inserting
the letter i between the two, thus : —

Thang-a— I go.
Nu-i-6 — I see.

Taking the verb, Bu-no, to beat, as an illustration, the various
tenses, moods, &c., of the Kachari verb maybe thus indicated: —

Present indefinite, Angbu-i-u — I beat.
Present definite, bii-dang — I am beating.
Imperfect, Ang bu-dang-man — I was beating.
Past, bii-bai — I beat (did).

Pluperfect, /bu-dang-man_I had beaten ( time ^

' \bu-nai-se
Future, bii-gan — I shall beat.

76 THE KACHARIS SECT.

( P£LT*lv I Dli Sl-^flill

paulo post), ibii-nu^oi-1 shali beat ^ soon)'
Subjunctive moodf •,

Ang bu-ba I If I ?ea, \

bu-bla 1 had beaten'

Potential, Ang bu-no h4-g6 — I may (or can) beat.
Imperative, 1. Bu — beat thou. 2. Bii-thang — let him beat.
Participial forms : —
Bii-ni — beating.
Bu-na-noi — having beaten.
Bii-nai — beaten.
Bii-oi — while (on) beating.
Agent : —
Bu-gra.
Bu-nai-a — a beat-er.

3. The Passive voice is not very frequently used. Its
tenses, &c., are expressed by conjugating the verb za-n5, to
be, with the past participle of the verb, e.g. —

Ang bii-nai za-gan — I beaten be-shall.

4. The causal verb is formed in two ways. The more
idiomatic method is to prefix the letter / (with any euphonic
vowel) to the principal verb, e.g. —

A frang-dang understand,

° \fa-rang-dang — I cause to under-
stand, I teach.

A fsi-gan become wet,

° \fi si-gan — I shall make wet, soak,
immense.

In the above it will be observed that the causal force lies in
the letter/, its vowel (always a very short one) being drawn by
attraction (euphonic) from that of the principal verb.

A second way of expressing causation is to combine the verb
ho-n6, to give, with the infinitive mood of the principal
verb, e.g. —

An? /rang-a l leam>

° \rang-n5 h(5-i-5 I cause to learn, teach.

5. The distinctive vowel of the negative verb is a, which in

vi OUTLINE GRAMMAR, ETC. 77

some cases gives place to i or e, probably for reasons of euphony.
Its chief forms of tense and mood, &c., may be shown thus : —

Present, Bii-d — (I) am not beating.
Imperfect, Bii-a-kh5i-man.

{Bii-a-man
Bu-d-khSi-no'
Bii-a-kh(5i-se
Future, Bii-a.
Imperative. — 2 Da bii — beat thou not.

3 Da-bii-thang — let him not beat.

Subjunctive gJJJ*

Potential, Bii-no hai-a
Participial forms : —
Present, Bii-i — not beating

Past, Bii-a-laba — not having beaten, without beating
Bu-e — not beaten.

V. Indeclinable words (a/vyaya).

Very little need be said on this part of the subject, because
the work of qualifying words (adverbs, &c.,) is very commonly
done by means of infixes following the verbal stem which is in
many cases, though not in all, monosyllabic. Thus the root
ham (be) will, becomes (1) an adjective by prefixing g*, g* ham,
good ; and (2) an adverb, by affixing oi ; g^iam-oi in a good
manner. So, ham-a — bad ; ham-a-<5i — bad-ly. Further the
adjective thus formed may be duly conjugated as a verb by com-
bining it with the different tenses, &c., of the substantive verb,
thus : —

Tham-dang (good

Bi -! ham-a-dang he is-j

[(good-not-is) (bad

(good

ham-gan he will be-j

hama-gan [bad

&c. &c.

In the same way the passive participle in nai can be (1)
declined as a noun, or (2) used as an adjective, or (3) take the
place of a relative pronoun ; e.g. —

78 THE KACHARIS SECT.

1. Zang thoi-nai-kho fdp-bai — we (the) dead (man) buried-
have.

2. Mia nu-nai gathai-a thoi-bai — (the) yesterday-seen-girl,
died-has.

3. Tezpur-nS thang-nai-au ang bi-kho nu-bai — Tezpur to
going-in I him see-did.

&c. &c.

VI. Syntax.

The great and characteristic feature of the Syntax of the
language is the remarkable way in which verbal roots, mostly
monosyllabic, are combined together to form a very large and
useful class of compound verbs. In this way the use of con-
junctions &c. is very largely avoided, and the language becomes
possessed of a vivid force and picturesqueness often wanting in
more cultivated tongues. These compound verbs may perhaps
be roughly classified under two groups, e.g. —

I. — Those in which each verbal root has a distinct meaning
and may be used separately ; —

II. — Those in which one or more of the verbal roots is never
used separately but in combination only. As illustrations of
class I. the following may be mentioned : —

1. Lai-n5 — to bring.
Thang-no — to go

Ha-n5 — to cut (paddy, &c.)
2 Zap-n5 — finish

' Zang mai ha-zap-bai \ ,. , • , • x

We paddy cut-finished-have J ^

3. Tham-n3 — catch ; labo-no — bring ; gorai-kho ham-lab6 —
those horses catch bring.

&c. &c.

The compound verbs of Class II. are very numerous and in
frequent use. A few illustrations only can be given here, which
may serve to show that the second and subsequent members of
the agglutinative verb, while they have no independent

vi OUTLINE GRAMMAR, ETC 79

existence, yet serve to enrich and expand the meaning of the
primitive root in a very remarkable way.

1. Bai, denotes continuous action.

Bi = to beg ; bi-bai-n5 \ [begging

Brap = to be angry; brap-bai-no' j- = to continue-! being angry
Namai = to seek ; namai-bai-n5J [seeking

2. Lang implies completion.

Bat (jump) \ /JumP across
Udu (sleep) sleep heavily

Thoi (die) I lang 4 die outright
Bir (fly) fly away

Za (eat) J \eat up

3. Su \ are intensitives greatly strengthening the meaning
ThraJ of the first verbal root.

On (love) "I (love much

Ukhui (hunger) >su^ hunger greatly
Mini (laugh) J [laugh heartily
Gai (plant ) \ [plant completely
Ga-glai (fall) Vthrajfall heavily
Thoi (die) J [die outright

In not a few cases several, sometimes as many as five or six,
of these infixes are combined with the original verbal stem, each
one materially contributing to enlarge and enrich its meaning.
A few illustrations are here supplied.

1. Dao-fra bir-lang-thra-bai.

The birds flown completely away-have.

2. Ang bi-kho bai-nai-tha-bai.
I him continue-watching-did.

3. Nu-za-nai-soi-la-thang.
See-become-watch-much-take-go, i,e. go and see and take

and observe carefully.

&c. &c.

From what little has been here stated it would seem to be
fairly obvious that the language in its original form is strictly
an agglutinative one. But a gradual process of deglutinisation
has for some time been going on, no doubt originating through
intercourse with neighbours speaking languages of quite another
type, e.g. Assamese, Bengali, &c. Most Kacharis (Bara) in this
district are quite familiar with Assamese ; indeed, it is very

8o THE KACHARIS SECT.

rarely that the writer has met with men who did not know
this form of Aryan speech. Now a Kachari in the habit of
speaking Assamese will, even when using his own mother
tongue, to which he is strongly attached, not infrequently resort
to a partially inflected form of expression instead of restricting
himself to the use of infixes, &c. This gradual change in the
language is especially brought out in the usage of the participial
forms of the verb. It has been shown above, e.g. that the past
participle (passive) can be declined like a noun. Again, in
expressing a simple sentence like the following : —

I ran and caught and brought the horse

an Assamese speaking Kachari would probably make use of the
active participle in na-n6i ; whilst his more primitive brother,
who might be less familiar with Assamese, would confine him-
self to the more idiomatic use of infixes. Thus the sentence
given above might be expressed in two ways :

/ -1U fKhat-nanSi ham-nanoil , ,, , •

Anggorai-kho (Khat.ham j lobo-bai.

I the horse (runnin^catchingjbrmg-did.
^run-catch J

It would seem to be not improbable that the language may
gradually lose its agglutinative character, and approximate to
the inflected type, though the process most likely will be but
a slow one, owing to the very clannish temperament of the
people which makes them cling strongly to anything they
regard as their very own, e.g. their language (cf., a somewhat
similar state of things in Wales and the Scottish Highlands).
But in its present stage the language is one of no small interest
to the student of comparative philology, because it is an apt
illustration of a form of speech which, once strictly agglutinative,
is now in process of learning inflexion through the pressure
of contact with the speakers of Aryan tongues.1

1 The writer would again refer the student to Dr. Grierson's work, part
7-15, where the whole subject of the agglutinative verb with its stem and
infixes, &c., is dealt with admirable force, clearness and knowledge of the
subject.— [S.E.]

APPENDIX I

I. — TRIBES CLOSELY ALLIED TO EACHARIS.

IN a former section, something has been said in favour of the
idea that the Kachari race is a much more widely distributed one
than was supposed to be the case some years ago ; and members
of this race under different names still occupy large areas in
north-eastern India. It may be useful to add a few brief notes
on some of the principal of these closely cognate tribes, confining
our notice mainly to those points and details wherein they differ
more or less from the Kacharis of Darrang, whose language,
habits, religion, etc., as described above, may perhaps be
provisionally taken as a standard.

1. Garos. — One of the most important of these allied races is
undoubtedly that known to us as the Garos, dwelling in what is
called the Garo Hills District. This tribe, like the people of the
North Cachar Hills, has until recent years been largely confined
to the part of Assam which bears it name, and has not come
into contact with Hinduism to any great extent, and hence it
has in all likelihood preserved its aboriginal manners and customs
almost intact. But it is not necessary here to do more than
merely mention the name of this interesting people, as their
whole manner of life has been sufficiently dealt with elsewhere
by a highly competent hand.1

2. Mech (Mes). 70,000. — Nor is it necessary to do much more
for the people known as Mech (Mes) who are undoubtedly
merely a branch (the western one) of the Baras of Darrang.
The name is almost certainly a corruption of the Sanskrit word
mleccha, i.e., an outcast from the Brahmin point of view, a
non-observer of caste regulations; such persons being in the
light of modern Hinduism very much what the barbarian was
to the Greek, or the "Gentile" to the Jew, some twenty

1 See The Garos, by Major A. Playfair, David Nutt. 1909.— Ed.

31 G

82 APPENDIX I

centuries ago. This term mlech (mech) is not in use here
(Darrang) or in Kamrup.

The uncomplimentary epithet " mlech padre " has sometimes
been hurled at the writer when preaching to Brahmins or
other high caste Hindus, though it would seem to be the
recognised name for the Bara race from the Manas river west-
wards to the neighbourhood of Jalpaiguri. They would seem
to be especially numerous in Goalpara district, where one of the
principal landholders is known as the " Mech-para zamindar."
Some sixteen exogamous septs are recognised among the
Meches, of which the most important would seem to be the

bub-

division, following : —

1. Mesha-aroi — the tiger folk

2. Bansbar-aroi — bamboo folk

3. Doim-aroi — water folk

4. Goibar-aroi — betelnut folk

5. Swarg-aroi — heaven folk.

Of these the last-mentioned, which is obviously of Hindu
origin, is looked upon as the highest, whilst the names of the
remaining four are apparently of totemistic origin. The first
on the list, Mashd-arSi (tiger folk ; Mashd, tiger), still retains
a certain hold on the regard of the members of its sept, all of
whom go into a kind of mourning (see above) when a tiger
is found lying dead near one of their villages.

Origin. Nothing definite is known as to the origin of the Meches ;
by some they are said to be descended from Bhim and
Hidamba, whilst others maintain that they are the descendants
of Turbasu, son of Raja Jajati, who fell under his father's curse,
his children thus becoming outcasts (Aflecchas).

Religion. Their religion is distinctly of the Animistic type with a

tendency towards Hinduism, Bathau being replaced by &va

in some cases. The siju tree is regarded with much reverence,

and is to be seen in the courtyard of most Mech houses, much

more frequently than among the Kacharis of this district.

This sacred tree is sometimes used as a means of divination

or detecting crime or other misdoings in domestic life.

Marriage jn &\\ ceremonies relating to marriage and funerals, what has

funeral been already said of the Kacharis holds good almost word for

cere- word of the Meches. But speaking generally it may be said

monies, that the marriage rites among the Meches are more simple

than among the Kacharis, the essential features being the

exchange of betel-leaves and areca-nuts between bride and

bridegroom followed by the offering of a cock and hen in

sacrifice to Bathau or Siva. The funeral ceremonies, on the

MKfH GIRL

APPENDIX I 83

other hand, among the Meches are perhaps somewhat more
elaborate than is the case with the Kacharis (Bara), as an
informal Shradh has to be performed by them, by the son
or daughter of the deceased Mech, seven or nine or eleven days
after death, and sometimes on the day of the funeral itself, an
indication that Hindu customs are creeping in among this
portion of the Bara, race.

The name of this tribe (Rabhds) is of uncertain derivation 3. RabhaB
and in this district (Darrang) the people themselves are some- (70,000).
times called Totlas, which may perhaps be a nickname.
Another term used in designating them is D&tiydl Kachdri,
i.e. Borderer Kacharis (ddti — border, edge, boundary) ; and it is
held by some that their original home and habitat was the Habitat,
region bordering on the northern slopes of the Garo Hills.
This supposition is partly confirmed by the fact that the only
words in their language to express (1) north and (2) south,
respectively, are (1) Bhotd hi-chu, Bhotan Hills,1 and (2) Tura ;
their physical horizon being apparently absolutely limited by the
two localities thus designated ; moreover, Rabhas in somewhat
large numbers are still to be found at the base of the northern
slope of the Garo Hills. Some 30,000 have their home in
Goalpara district, whilst others are located in Kamrup, north-
west Darrang, and among the Garos in their hills. Their origin Origin
is but imperfectly known, but they are said to be descended from (tradi-
a Hindu father who lost caste by marrying a Kachari woman.
Their language, which would seem to be rapidly dying out, Lan-
forms a very interesting link between Garo and Kachari, having SuaSe-
much in common with both, but with some special features
peculiar to itself. Like the tongue of other branches of the
Bara race, the Rabha language, at one time undoubtedly
agglutinative, seems to be in process of becoming inflexional,
through contact and intercourse with the speakers of more
or less broken-down Sanskritic languages, e.g., Bengali,
Assamese, etc. Some seven sub-tribes are said to be still Sub-
recognised among the Rabhas, i.e., Rangdaniya, Maitariya, dlvisions-
P4ti-Koch, Bitliya-, Dahuriya, and Sangha. The members of
the three sub-tribes first in this list occupy a position of some
eminence above the others, and are at liberty to intermarry
among themselves. They are, however, so far " hypergamous "
that if any one of their members should marry into any of the
last four sub-tribes, the person so marrying would have to pay
a fine of Rs. 100, or upwards, to the members of the lower
sub-tribe concerned. As regards caste-position and status,
the Rabhas hold themselves to be slightly higher than the pure status.
1 Hi-chu> i.e., hi earth, chi high : rf. Kachari hd-jo, i.e., Ad earth, gnjo, high.

G 2

84. APPENDIX I

Kacharis, e.g., the Rabh£ will not eat rice cooked by a Kachari,
though the latter freely partakes of food prepared by a Rabha.
On the other hand, the Rabha eats and drinks quite as freely
as does the Kachari, and intermarriage between the two
branches of the race is not very uncommon, a young Kachari
bridegroom selecting a Rabha bride having to make his peace
with her people by giving them a feast and paying a bride-price
(gd-dhan) on a somewhat enhanced scale. The children born
of such a " mixed marriage " belong to the father's tribe.
Kacharis sometimes formally enter the Rabha community,
though it is not necessary for them to do so, on their way to
Hinduism. A Kachari wishing to be received into the Rabha
sub-tribe has to pass through a somewhat elaborate initiation,
which may be briefly summarised as follows : —

" A deori (Priest) divides a pig into seven pieces in front
of the convert's door, and disposes of them by throwing
away one such piece towards each of the four cardinal
points ; while of the remaining three pieces one is thrown sky-
wards, a second earthwards, and the last Patalwards.1 At the
same place he then proceeds to cook a fowl and prepares there-
from a curry, which he divides into seven equal parts ; and
arranging these portions on the ground he leaves them there,
after sprinkling them with pad-jal.2 This part of the ceremonial
is known as cliilddhar, or bdodhar Jcatd, i.e., forms of making
prdya£-chitta (reconciliation). The deori then lays down a
plantain-leaf on the courtyard and places on it a lighted lamp,
a handful of rice, a betel-leaf, and an areca-nut, together with
some tulasi leaves and a few copper coins. The convert is then
made to drink pad-jal in public, and after this he must pay at
least one rupee to the assembled people, and treat them to two
vessels full of rice-beer (mddli). He is further required to
entertain liberally the members of his newly-acquired brother-
hood for three successive evenings, pork and mddh forming the
principal materials of the feast."

Very little need be said under the head of religion ; for in
this respect they are but little separated from the closely-
cognated Kachari (Bara) race. The general type of the Rabha
religion 13 distinctly animistic ; but one or two of the higher
subdivisions, especially the Patis, are said to show a leaning

1 "Fatal," one of the seven regions which Hindus believe to exist under
the earth.

2 Pad-jal, t. e. , pad a f oot, and jal water, " foot- water "; water in which
a Gosain has dipped his foot, or (at least) his great toe, and which is there-
fore looked upon as sacred. It is otherwise known as charandmrita, i.e.,
charan foot, and dmrita, umtal ambrosia.

APPENDIX I 85

towards Hinduism of the Sakta form, the deity chiefly wor-
shipped being known as Bhalli (? Bhareli), to whom puja is done
in Kartik, Magh and Baisakh. There are no temples or fixed
places of worship, nor are Brahmins employed ; the deori (deosi)
doing all that is deemed necessary in public religious ceremonies.

Marriage is almost invariably adult, and is usually entered into Relations
by payment to the bride's parents, or by servitude as among of the
the Kacharis. Cases of ante-nuptial unchastity would seem to 8e
be rare ; but when an unmarried girl does become pregnant, she
is compelled to disclose the name of her lover, often through
thes i/w-ordeal process (see above), and public opinion forces
the seducer to marry his victim, paying a somewhat higher
bride-price (gd-dhan) than he would otherwise have done.
Monogamy is the rule in marriage, but public opinion permits
the taking of a second wife when the first proves childless.
Divorce is permitted for adultery, but would seem to be com-
paratively rare : widows are at liberty to marry whomsoever
they will, except the deceased husband's elder brother, a second
bride-price being sometimes paid to the bride's parents. The
marriage ceremony itself is very simple, the essential features
•being (1) the exchange of betel-leaves and areca-nuts by bride
and bridegroom, and (2) the formal sacrifice of a cock and hen,
the latter being made into a curry of which bride and bride-
groom partake together. The dead are disposed of generally
by cremation, though in cases of destructive epidemics, e.g.,
cholera, kala-azar, etc., known as " sirkdri rog," the bodies of
deceased people are either hastily buried, or simply thrown into
the neighbouring jungle.1

About the small tribe (8,000 souls) known as Hajongs or 4. Ha-
Haijongs only very little definite information can at present be |?nM3~
obtained ; but it seems probable on the whole that they are a (8*ooO)f *'
branch of the widely spread Bara race. The tribal name is of
uncertain derivation, but it is not unlikely that it is connected
with the Kachari word for mountain or hill (ha-jo) ; and this
supposition receives, perhaps, some little confirmation from their
present known habitat, i.e., the southern slope of the Garo Hills,
and the sub-montane tract immediately adjoining it. It is
possible that these people may be the modern representatives
of the inhabitants of the old kingdom of Koch Hajo, which
corresponds roughly with the present district of Goalpara. It
is known that during the period 1600-1700 this part of the
country was overrun by Musalman invaders, when many of
the inhabitants probably took refuge in the Garo Hills,

1 For other information about Garos, see Garo Monograph, pp. 17, 19, 21.
—Ed.

86 APPENDIX I

returning therefrom, and settling in the adjoining plains at the
foot of these hills, when the pax Britannica gave them a
certain amount of security for life and property. In appearance
and dress the people are said to have a close resemblance to the
well-known Kachari type, but this resemblance hardly holds
good of their language as now spoken, for this is little more
than a medley of Assamese and Bengali.

Religion. There are said to be two recognised subdivisions among them,
i.e., (1) Byabcharis and (2) Paramarthis. The latter are largely
Hinduized (Vaishnabs) and abstain from pork and liquor, etc. ;
whilst the former, who are Saktas to a large extent, follow the
practice of their Garo neighbours in matters of diet, etc. In
spite, however, of this distinction of meats, it is said that
members of the two sections of the tribe freely intermarry with
each other. No Brahmins seem to be employed among them,
any leading member (adhikari) of the village panchdyat doing
what is customary at all marriages, etc. It may be added that
the siju tree (euphorbia splendens) which occupies so important
a place in the social and religious life of the Bara, Meches, etc.,
on the north of the Brahmaputra does not seem to enjoy any
special regard or respect among the cognate tribes (Haijangs,
Dimasa etc.) who have their homes on the south and east of
that great river.

Relations As among other members of the Bara race, the relations of
of the t^ sexes are on the whole sound and wholesome ; ante-nuptial
marriage, unchastity is but of rare occurrence, but when it does take place
&c. ' and pregnancy follows, the seducer is compelled to marry the
girl, and to pay a certain fine of no great amount to the village
elders. This form of union is known as a dai-mard marriage.
But generally, as among the Kacharis of Darrang, the parents
of bride and bridegroom arrange for the marriage of the young
people, which always includes the payment of a bride-price
(pdn) of from 20 to 100 rupees to the bride's parents, or the
equivalent in personal service. It is said that among the
" Paramarthi " subdivision, who are largely Hinduized, the
betrothal of children is coming into vogue, but as a rule
marriage is still adult, and for the most part monogamous. A
second wife is allowed when the first proves to be childless, but
polyandry is quite unknown. Divorce is permitted for adultery
but is very rare, and under no circumstances can a woman be
divorced when in a state of pregnancy. The divorce itself is
effected in the usual way by the husband and wife tearing a
betel-leaf in the presence of the village elders, and formally
addressing each other as father and mother, showing that the
relation of husband and wife has ceased. Widows can marry

APPENDIX I 87

again, and do so freely, the one restriction being that no widow
can marry her deceased husband's brother, whether older or
younger than her first partner. Here again, too, it would seem
that Hindu influence is making itself felt, for it is said that the
remarriage of widows is looked upon with growing disfavour.
Property, both movable and immovable, is usually divided
equally among the sons of a family (cf. the old Saxon law of
" gavelkind "), anything like primogeniture being unknown.
In a formal marriage among well-to-do people a certain
ceremonial is observed. A square enclosure is formed by plant-
ing a plantain-tree at each corner, and within this enclosure are
placed sixteen lighted lamps, and sixteen earthenware pots full
of water, the bridegroom taking his stand in their midst. The
bride then formally walks around him seven times, and then
finally takes a seat at his left side, her face being turned towards
the east. No mantras, etc., are recited, nor is any Brahmin
present ; but some village elder (adhikari) sprinkles water over
the couple from one of the water pots, and the ceremony is held
to be complete.

The bodies of the dead are occasionally buried or committed Disposal
to the jungle, but this is done but rarely, probably only under of dead-
the pressure of panic during an epidemic of cholera, etc. Crem-
ation is almost universal, the head of the deceased being placed
towards the north, the face looking upwards in the case of a
man, and downwards in that of a woman. A Sraddha usually
follows either on the tenth, or the thirtieth, day after the
cremation.

Not much is definitely known about this small tribe, whose 5. Morans
numbers do not exceed 6,000 in all ; but although they are said (f'^0
to repudiate all connection with the BarS, race, it may be tic, 100 ;
safely inferred that they do in reality belong to it ; for on this Hindu-
point the evidence of language is fairly conclusive.1 They are lz^
sometimes known as (1) Moran Kacharis and (2) Kapahiyas '
(kapdh — cotton), the latter name being due to the fact that in
early days one of their chief duties was to grow cotton for the
use of Ahom princesses, at Kakatal, Moriani, Jhanzi, Hologapar,
etc. Their present habitat may be roughly described as the Habitat,
country lying between the Buri Dihing and the Brahmaputra
in the north-eastern part of the Province at least one-half of
their number being located in the district of Lakhimpur, and
the remainder in the adjoining portions of the Sibsagar district.
Their chief centre is said to be a place known as Kakatal, the
residence of the Tiphuk Gosain, the head of the Matak clan,

1 See paper by Major P. R. T. Gurdon, in Journal of A. S. B., Vol.
LXXIIL, Part I, No. 1, 1904.

88

APPENDIX I

with the members of which the Morans are said to fraternize
and even to intermarry freely.

The original home of the Morans is said to have been at
Mongkong (Maingkhwang) in the Hukong Valley at the upper
reaches of the Chindwin river, where some centuries ago
resided three brothers Moylang, Moran, and Moyran. Of these,
Moylang, the eldest, remained in the Hukong Valley, whilst the
youngest, Moyran, migrated into Nipal, and was there lost sight
of; and Moran, the second brother, passed the Patkoi range
into Assam and, settling on the Tiphuk river, became the
ancestor of or at least gave its present name to the Moran tribe.
But however this may be, it is fairly certain that, when the
Ahoms passed into Assam about the middle of the thirteenth
century, they at once came into conflict with the Morans, whom
they seem to have subdued with but little difficulty. By their
Ahom conquerors the Morans were employed in various menial
capacities, as hewers of wood and drawers of water, and were
sometimes known as Habungiyas,1 earth-folk, or true autoch-
thones, " sons of the soil," though they seem to have inter-
married freely with their Ahom rulers. But in spite of their
subordinate position in political life the Morans, like other
branches of the Bar& race, have sturdily maintained some of
their national characteristics to this day, e.g., their language,
though apparently doomed to early extinction; is still to some
extent retained by members of the clan.

In the census of 1891 only 100 Morans are returned as

Religion, animistic, the great bulk of them being described as Hindus of
the Vaishnab type. Their Hinduism, however, would seem to

Vaishnab. be of a somewhat lax character ; for though they do not eat
beef, pork, or monkeys, or drink madh and photika, yet they
freely partake of all kinds of poultry and fish, with the tortoise,
grasshopper, etc. No social stigma, too, attaches to the catching
and selling of fish to others. No idols are to be seen in their
villages, nor are Brahmins ever employed in religious cere-
monials, certain officials known as Medhis and Bhakats doing all
that is deemed necessary on these occasions. On certain great
social gatherings known as Sabha (Sarmij), which are apparently
not held at any fixed periods, there is much singing, beating of
drums (Mridang) and cymbals (tal) in honour of Krishna, to
whom offerings of rice, salt, plantains, betel-nuts, are freely
made. In earlier times it is said that there were three chief
centres (satras) of the religious life of the Morans ; each

1 Hdbung-iyd, perhaps from hd earth, bung for su-bung men ; hence lia-
Imng-iya, autochthones, adscripti glebtx, something like the serfs of the old
feudal system in Europe.

APPENDIX I 89

presided over by an elder known as the bura or dangariya.
These were the (1) Dinja (Kachari bura), (2) Garpara (Ahom
bura), and (3) Puranimati (Khatwal bura). These dangariyas
are said still to retain a position of some spiritual influence
among the Morans, all religious teaching being in their
hands. Each family may freely choose its own dangariyas,
but followers of one dangariya will not eat food cooked by
those of another, even when the worshippers are closely
connected with each other by family ties, as father, son,
brother, etc.

Infant betrothals would seem to be absolutely unknown, all Mar-
marriages being restricted to adults, as a rule monogamous, naSes»
though a second wife may be taken when the first proves
childless. Occasionally the bridegroom carries off his bride by
force, especially during the April Bihu, the union formed in this
way being afterwards recognised by the girl's parents. Some-
times the bride goes to her lover's house of her own free will,
without payment of the usual bride-price (pan). But as a rule
as among other portions of the Bara race, matrimonial engage-
ments are entered into after negotiations between the parents
of the persons concerned. The essential elements of a marriage
in this case are (1) the payment of a bride-price (pan) of some
Bs20-100 to the girl's parents, and (2) the giving of a feast at
the bridegroom's expense to the parents, relatives, and friends of
the bride. The marriage ceremony is always non-Shfistric, nor
are Brahmins present, a Bhakat or dangariya doing all that is
deemed necessary. The ceremony itself may perhaps be
described as " semi-chacklang," some, though not all, of the
rites practised among the Ahoms at what is called a chaklang
marriage being frequently carried out.

Divorce is permitted occasionally, but only when the wife is Divorce,
guilty of adultery with a man of lower caste-standing than her
own. In these cases the husband brings back the erring wife
to her father's house with some betel-nuts and one rupee in an
earthenware sardi; the father receives her and gives back a
portion of the betel-nuts to the husband, and the woman is at
once free to marry again. Widows are at liberty to remarry,
but not with the deceased husband's brother ; but little or on
ceremonial is observed at such a remarriage, a widow taking a
substantially lower position than a virgin bride.

The dead are usually disposed of by burial, but the bodies of Disposal
old Bhakats are sometimes cremated, the ashes being afterwards of dead,
buried under a high earth mound known as a " moidam." On
the third day after death takes place the ceremony known as
telani, when the near relatives are anointed with mustard seed

90 APPENDIX I

oil (tel). This is followed ten days later by the dahd,1 when
offerings of rice, salt, betel-nuts, etc., are offered by the relatives,
and finally, after an interval of twenty days, the dahd kdj is
celebrated, when a general feast takes place both day and night.
These observances have perhaps more in common with funeral
wakes than with what is known among Hindus as a shraddha ;
no Brahmins are present.

This once very powerful race, which still numbers almost
90,000 souls, has its chief home and habitat in the districts of
Lakhimpur and Sibsagar, though a not inconsiderable number
are found in the Darrang district (Mangaldai subdivision).
Their general appearance and physical and mental character-
istics prove clearly that they belong to the widely spread Banl
race, and this view is borne out by the language still spoken to
some extent by one of the subdivisions of the race (the Deoris),
which has very much in common with the Kachari of Darrang,
and still more with the speech of the people (Dimasa) of the
north Kachar Hills.

Tradi- Their origin is far from being clearly known. According to

tional one tradition — probably the outcome of Hindu imaginativeness
history0 — they claim to be descendants of Khetrias who fled into Assam
for refuge from the destroying arm of Parasu-Ram (battle-axe
Ram). But according to a tradition embodied in an old Assamese
chronicle of uncertain date, the founder of the Chutiya
kingdom, for some 200 years a very powerful one, was one
Bihar (? Virapala), who is said to have had his home on " Golden
Hill" (Suvarna-giri) in the mountains to the north of the
modern Sadiya, which place was for a lengthened period the
centre of Chutiya power, before the advent of the Ahoms in the
15th century. It is said that Kuvera (the Hindu Pluto)
appeared to this Bihar, who was simply an ordinary peasant,
and urged him to be reconciled to his wife (Rupavati), with
whom he had quarrelled, as she was about to present him with
a son who should make a name in history. Moreover, he was
directed to make search under a certain tree where he would
find a shield, a sword, and a spear ; and underneath the shield
a golden cat, which latter he was to preserve with the utmost
care, as it was to be the talisman of his family's fortunes.
Kuvera's instructions were duly carried out by Bihar, to whom a
son was born, named Ratnadhwaj, who through force of
character established his influence in the mountains ; and then
descending to the plains established a powerful kingdom at Sadiya
which maintained itself there for over two centuries, when it fell
before the rapidly growing influence of the warlike Ahoms. In
1 I.e., daSd, the tenth. — Ed.

APPENDIX I 91

order finally to break up the power of the Chutiyas their Ahom
conquerors are said to have distributed the subjugated race over
Assam and north-east Bengal. One not inconsiderable portion
of the Mangaldai subdivision is still known as Chutiya des;
otherwise Kaupati. To this Machiavellian policy of the Ahom
rulers is perhaps due the present widely scattered condition of
the once powerful Kachari race.

There are four subdivisions of the Chutiya race still recog- Sub-
nised, viz. : divisions

(modern).

1. Hindu Chutiya.

2. Ahom Chutiya.

3. Deori Chutiya — the Levite or priestly clan.

4. Barahi Chutiya — the pig-eating clan.

Each of these subdivisions is said to have been in early days
endogamous, though this is hardly so now, for members of the
two upper clans can intermarry, and the same statement holds
good of the two lower (Deori and Barahi) ; but outside these
limits marriage is said to be prohibited. The Hindu and Ahom
Chutiyas have very largely adopted Hinduism of the Vaishnava
type ; but it is said that occasionally they indulge in secluded
midnight revels known as " rati sod, khoa," at which almost all
kinds of food (beef alone excepted) are very freely consumed.
The Deoris and Barahis, however, still follow largely certain
animistic rites ; so far as they have adopted Hinduism at all, it
would seem to be of a depraved type, Tantric rather than
Vedic.

By far the most interesting, because the most primitive, The
characteristic of the four subdivisions of the Chutiya race
mentioned above, is that which holds the third place in the list ;
i.e., the Deoris. It has been stated before more than once that
this term Deoris is thus used to designate the recognised
ministers of religion throughout the Bara race ; and this points
to the fact that they are essentially what indeed their tribal
name implies, a Levite or priestly body, and one in earlier days
possessed of large influence which even yet has not been wholly
lost. In point of mere numbers they are certainly not a
powerful body, somewhat less than 4,000 all told. Their chief
habitat is on and near the Dikrang river some thirty miles west
of the subdivisional station of North Lakhimpur, while other
villages may be found in the Majuli, the "Holy Land" of the
modern (Hindu) Assamese, where they would seem to lead a
very simple primitive life. A Deori Chutiya village has been
well described as follows.

" It consists of some thirty houses built on bamboo platforms

92 APPENDIX I

raised about five feet from the ground. A single house will
often contain a family of forty persons, living in one great room
without any compartments, though with separate fireplaces,
with a verandah in front where visitors are entertained. The
villagers are a tall, large, well-nourished folk, with features
bearing a strong resemblance to that of the Kacharis. They
drink strong liquor (home-made) and eat all kinds of flesh
except beef."

There are two things which give a certain interest and
importance to the Deoris in spite of the paucity of their
numbers, i.e., (1) their language and (2) their religion Like
other members of the widely spread Bara race, the Deoris are
bilingual, speaking both Assamese and their own tongue, but
giving a distinct preference to the latter, of which they are said
to be not a little proud.1 The language itself is obviously very
closely allied to that of the Kacharis of Darrang and still more
so to the speech of the people of the North Kachar Hills
(Dimasa), who, being more isolated from the plains than are the
Kacharis, have no doubt preserved their mother tongue very
largely in its primitive form. In all likelihood the language of
the Deori Chutiyas gives us the purest and most archaic form of
the Bar& speech, and there can be little doubt that in earlier
times it was the dominant language of Eastern Assam.

The religion of the Deori Chutiyas is still largely animistic.
There are a number of domestic gods, who hold a prominent
place in family worship, and puja is often performed under big
trees and by the side of rivers, as among the Darrang Kacharis.
The Brahmaputra is held in special reverence and is spoken of
as the mother of water (ji chima, or chima jima) much as the
Darrang Kacharis regard this huge volume of water as " Mater
magna " (Hodgson).

Unlike the western Kacharis, however, the Deori Chutiyas
pay no special regard to the 'siju' tree (Euphorbia splendens),
a peculiarity which they share with the Dimasa, Lalungs,
Garos,2 and other members of the Bara family who have their
home mostly on the south of the great river. They have four
great annual festivals, two of which correspond in some respects
to the Assamese Magh and Baisak Bihu, though not held
exactly on the same dates. They have a great reputation

1 See Outline Grammar of the Deori Chutiya Language, by W. B. Brown,
B.A., I.C.S., Shillong, Assam Secretariat Press, a scholarly work to which
the writer gladly takes this opportunity of acknowledging his manifold
obligations.

2 But the Garos plant either a mandal tree or a Euphorbia cactus near
their Kosi or sacrificial stones, hence recognising the sacred character of
the aij 'i tree (see Gdro Monograph, p. 97). — Ed.

APPENDIX I 93

as wizards, etc., and are supposed to have the power of causing
their enemies to die mysteriously of slow occult wasting
diseases, and in this way they are often consulted by their
neighbours in cases of loss of cattle or undetected robberies.
There would seem to be three principal gods : —

(1) Girasi-gira (Bura-buri), i.e., " the old ones," always spoken
of as a wedded pair (cf. the " Bathau and the Mainau " of the
Darrang Kacharis and the " Warang-Berang," ' the old one ' of
Hodgson's Dhimals) ; they are specially worshipped by the
Dibongid khel, and their original temple was on the Kundil
river, a little east of Sadiya.

(2) Pisha-dema (Bohza-hemata), " the elder son " worshipped
by the Tenga paniya khel. His temple stood on Tengapani
river.

(3) Pisha-si, " the daughter," known as (1) Tameshwari mai,
the " mother of the copper temple," and (2) Kecha-khati, the
" raw-flesh eater," to whom human sacrifices were offered. She
was worshipped by the Bargaya (Borgoniya) khel and her
temple stood somewhere near " Chunpura " (' lime-kiln ') on the
Brahmaputra a few miles east of Sadiya.

In addition to these a fourth khel, Patorgiya, is said to have
once existed, but its status was inferior to those of the other
three, and it has consequently become extinct. To each of
these khels and temples four priests (pujaris) were attached, i.e.,
(1) a Bor Deori (Deori Dima) and (2) a Saru Deori (Deori
Sarbd) ; and (3) a Bor Bharali, and (4) a Saru Bharali.1 It is
the former two (the Deoris), who alone perform the sacrifice,
enter the temple and sing hymns, etc., which are hardly now
understood by the laity. The office of the Bharalis was an inferior
one ; it was their duty to collect all temple-offerings and to
provide animals for sacrifice. They are also privileged to hold
the head of the victim, which is nowadays usually a goat. As
a rule no images, etc., are to be seen in the temples, though
such images would seem to be provided from time to time as
needed for purposes of public worship.

Of the Deori temples mentioned above the oldest and most Human
noteworthy is undoubtedly that known as the " Tamar ghar " or sacrifices
copper temple, at Chunpura, the ruins of which are, it is said,
still to be seen some miles east of Sadiya. It is described as a
small stone building nearly square, built without cement, the
stones joined by iron pins, not clamped. The roof, now fallen
in, was of copper ; hence the temple's name. The interior is eight
feet square ; and the whole is enclosed by a brick wall 130 feet
by 200. Near the grand entrance in the western wall is a

1 .fiar = big, saru = small. — Ed.

94 APPENDIX I

small stone tripod. Here from a period unknown down to a
comparatively recent date human sacrifices were offered year by
year. It is said that latterly the Ahom kings gave up for this
purpose malefactors who had been sentenced to capital punish-
ment ; but as suitable victims of this type were not always forth-
coming, a certain special tribe (khel) of the king's subjects were
held bound to provide one and in return the members of this
tribe were entitled to certain privileges, e.g., exemption from
payment of ferry dues and market tolls, etc. It was necessary in
all cases that the victims should be of high caste and " without
blemish," l the slightest mutilation, even the boring of an ear,
rendering them unfit to be offered.

All Brahmins and members of the royal family were exempted
as a privilege; whilst Domes, Haris, Musalmans and women
were excluded as unfit. For some time preceding the sacrifice
the victim to be immolated was detained at the temple and
sumptuously fed there, until he attained a sufficiently plump
condition to suit the assumed taste of the flesh-eating goddess.
On the appointed day he was led forth, magnificently attired
and decorated with gold and silver ornaments, to be shown to
the crowds assembled for the occasion. He was then led away
and taken, by a private path trodden only by the officiating
priests and their victims, to the brink of a deep pit, where he
was divested of his gay attire and decapitated so that the body
fell into the pit. The head was added to a heap of ghastly
skulls that were piled up before the shrine. The exact date
when these fearful sacrifices ceased does not seem to be
definitely known. Lieutenant (afterwards Colonel) Dalton,
from whose highly interesting paper most of the above details
are taken, states that they were in vogue down to the time
when the Ahom Government was superseded by that of the
Burmese, when the Deoris finally withdrew from the neighbour-
hood of the " copper temple." Mr. Brown, on the other hand,
tells us that these human sacrifices were abolished at a some-
what earlier date by Raja Gaurinath, who, also being unable to
protect the Deoris from the Mishmis and other tribes, removed
them to the Majuli,2 where some of their villages are still to be
found.

As among other branches of the BarS, race, infant betrothal is
unknown, no marriage being permitted until puberty is
attained. Monogamy is the rule among Deoris and Barahis ;
but a second wife is allowed where the first proves childless.

1 Cf. the old Jewish law regarding animals for sacrifice being " without
blemish," Exodus, xii., 5 ; Leviticus, xxii. 19-21.

2 A long island in the Brahmaputra. — Ed.

APPENDIX I 95

Polygamy is common among Hindu and Ahom Chutiyas, but
polyandry is quite unknown. Marriages are generally planned
and arranged by the parents of the young people concerned, a
bride-price varying from Rs. 10 to Rs. 100 being paid to the
bride's parents by those of the bridegroom, or an equivalent
given in service in the bride's household (cf. Genesis, xxix.
15-20 : Jacob serving Laban seven years for Rachel).

The actual marriage ceremony seems to vary considerably in
the four different clans (khels) which compose the Chutiya
community. With the two lower sections, i.e., the Deoris and
Barahis, it consists in a feast given by the bridegroom's people
to the friends and fellow-villagers of the bride, accompanied by
much singing of songs, etc., in honour of the clan gods and
goddesses, whilst with not a few even this simple ceremonial is
dispensed with, and the young man claims his bride by merely
placing bracelets on her wrists and a string of beads, etc., on
her neck (Kharu and mani pindhoa).1 But among the Ahom
and Deori Chutiyas, who claim a somewhat higher position
than the other two sections, a more elaborate ceremonial is
observed. The Ahom Chutiyas to some extent still observe the
form of marriage characteristic of their race, i.e., that known as
the Chaklang. There is an exchange of temi and katdri between
bride and bridegroom, who are made formally to inhale the
smell of turmeric together, and this is followed by the tying of
the nuptial knot (lagun gathi), and the distribution of simple
refreshments (jal-pan) among the assembled friends and
relatives; and finally the bridegroom is said to carry off his
bride through a hole cut in the corner of the house, this last
proceeding being perhaps a survival of the time when marriage
by capture or stealth was not unknown. With the Hindu
Chutiyas there is a still more elaborate ceremonial in vogue,
one which approximates somewhat closely to the orthodox
Hindu ideal. The chaklang form is superseded by that of the
' horn,' i.e., libations of clarified butter (ghi) are formally poured
in sacrifice on the sacred fire, and certain special mantras are
recited by the officiating priest in the presence of the bride
and bridegroom, who are formally seated by his side, and
formally united by the tying of the nuptial knot (lagun-gathi).
It is said, further, that matrimonial etiquette requires postpone-
ment of consummation of the marriage for a week or so after
the completion of the wedding ceremonial.

Divorce, which would seem to be not very common, may and Divorce,
usually does follow adultery on the part of the wife, the ^m^'
adulterer paying a fine of Rs. 500 to the injured husband, and riage, eto.
1 I.e., the putting on of khdru (bracelets) and mani (necklace). — Ed.

96 APPENDIX I

further being compelled to provide a home for the erring
woman, whom no respectable man of the tribe would consent to
marry. The form used in cases of divorce is the usual one of
tearing a betel-leaf (pan-chira) together by the husband and
the wife. The remarriage of widows is permitted with few, if
any, restrictions ; but as a rule the full marriage ceremonial,
whether ' horn ' or ' chaklang,' is not observed in such widow
remarriages.

Disposal The bodies of the dead are usually disposed of by burning,
except in cases of epidemics, when, through panic or like cause,
they are thrown into the jungle, or left to perish where they
fall. The cremation is generally followed by a funeral feast,
lasting for a period of from five to nine days, either at the
deceased's house or at the river-side where the body was burnt.
A shradh with feasting of the dead man's relatives takes place
usually at the end of a month after the cremation. This
shradh marks the closing of the period of mourning, which in the
case of an adult extends over about thirty days, during which
period no flesh or fish may be eaten, though rice, ghi and
potatoes are allowed. In the case of those who die in child-
hood no shradh is observed, though the bereaved family usually
go into mourning for some three days.

APPENDIX II1

To the stories taken by Mr. Endle from my little collection of
Kachari folk-tales, I have ventured to add the following three
tales, with an interlinear literal translation and some brief
linguistic notes. This I have done in order to follow the
example set in Sir C. J. Lyall's edition of Mr. Edward Stack's
work on the Mikirs. A transcription followed by a loose
translation is not of much use to linguistic students unless they
have already some knowledge of the language. I ought to
explain that I have not • followed Mr. Endle's system of trans-
literation. In a language which has no written character,
it is best to trust to one's own ear. In such languages dialect
springs up quickly and local differences of pronunciation abound.
I have merely tried, therefore, to record what I have myself
heard. With the aid of the literal versions I now give, and by
carefully reading Mr. Endle's Grammar, anyone who wishes to
compare Kachari with other JBodo languages, such as Garo and
Tippera, ought to be able to make out the remainder of the
stories in my little collection without much difficulty.

The vowels are recorded as follows : —

a is pronounced like u in English hut

a „ „ „ a „ „ father

e „ „ „ a „ „ mason

i „ „ „ i „ „ fit

i „ ,, ., ee „ „ green

o „ „ ,. o „ „ hot

6 „ „ „ o „ „ lo ! alone

u „ „ „ u „ „ pull

u „ „ „ oo „ „ school

ai „ „ „ i „ „ bite

au „ „ „ ow „ „ how.

1 This Appendix is written by Mr. J. D. Anderson, the compiler of the little
work on Kachdri folk-tales mentioned on p. 54. — Ed.

H

98 APPENDIX II

The sound represented by u is rather difficult to describe to
Europeans. To my ear, it seems rather guttural, something
like the u in " ugh ! " or the vulgar pronunciation of girl as
" gurl." Or, again, it may be said to be like the French eu in
peu, as pronounced by English people. Or perhaps a still nearer
approximation is the Englishman's " er " when he pauses in
making an after-dinner speech. The sound is of some importance,
as -iii is the suffix by which the adverb in modern Kachari is
formed from the adjective. Thus ga-ham, good; gaham-iii,
well. Also the continuative participle, as, thang-ui, thang-tii ;
going, going — as he went.

When a is added to a noun, it is, as in Assamese, the sign of
the nominative. If the word ends in a vowel, and especially in
the vowel a, an euphonic i is inserted between the two vowels.
Thus hingzau-sa is " woman." Hingzau-sa-i-a is " the woman,"
in a narrative. Similarly -au is the inflexion marking the
locative case. If the word ends in a, this letter is divided from
au by an euphonic i.

Words borrowed from Assamese or other Indian languages are
printed in Roman letters. Some such may have escaped me.
If so, they have probably been so transmuted by Bodo habits of
pronunciation as to have become completely naturalised.

A inserted or "infixed" in the middle of a verb (between
stem and inflexion) is the sign of the negative. Sometimes the
euphonic i precedes it. Sometimes, especially before a guttural
sound, it is converted into e.

No other supplementary explanations beyond those given in
Mr. Endle's note on grammar seem required here.

(I) ABRA-N! KHORANG.
Simpleton-of Story.

Sd-se brai burui dangman. Bi-sur-ha sd-se gotho

One old man old woman were. Them-to one boy
dangman. Bl sdnl-se brai - burui - nl - au moso bai-nu
was. He day-one old-man old-woman-to bullock buy-to
lagi thaka bi-naise. Khintu brai burui gotho-kho

for money beg-ged. But old man old woman boy-toj
azla nu-ndniii thaka hu-d-man. Gotho-d em-brd-brd
silly see-ing money give-not-did. Boy again and again

1 San = literally, the sun.

APPENDIX II 99

bl-nai-khai thaka zakhai-brui1 hu-naise. Phdre

begging- because-of money four-fours give-did. Then
gotho-d moso bai-nu lagi thdng-ui thdng-ui man-thdm
boy bullock buy-to for go-ing go-ing three

ali-m khathi-aw ga-hdm moso md-se nu-ndnui, be ali-aw
roads-of near-at good bullock one see-ing, that road-on
thaka din-ndnui, moso-kho khd-ndnui Idbo-naise. Thdng-ui
money plac-ing, bullock-to bind-ing take-did. Going
thdng-ui bl-hd khl-nu on-khdt-ndnui moso-kho hd-grdz
going he to ease himself depart-ing bullock forest
dai-se-au khd-ndnui din-ndnui khl-hui-bds

branch-one-to bind-ing plac-ing to ease himself go-ing
mosd-d be-thing khdt-ldng-naise. Phdre be khi-nai-nl-frai
bullock that-way run-away-did. Then he easing-from
fai-ndnui, moso-kho nu-e-khai hd-grd hd-grd ndmai-
com-ing, bullock see not-because forest forest seek-
bai-naise* A™ bl mui zonthrd nu-ndnui, bl-kho-nu bl-nl
wander-did. And he deer male see-irig, it-indeed him-of
moso han-ndnui, husu-baie husu-baie un-au hd-grd zethdp-
bullock say-ing, hunt-ing hunt-ing after forest thicket-
au gongd ndng-ndnui5 thdp-thd-ndnui thd-naise. Obdsu bl
in horns stick-ing caught-stay-ing stay-ed. Then he
mui-kho godo-i-au didung-zang khd-ndnui no-hd-ldgl dldung
deer-to neck-on cord-with bind-ing house-up-to string
zorai zorai no man-fai-naise. Beau-nu blmd blfd-i-d
ty-ing ty-ing house reach-come-did. Then mother father
sung-naise, " nang moso bai-nu thdng-nai-d, huru?"&

ask-ed, you bullock buy-to go-did-not, eh ?

Obdsu bi bung-naise, " be dldung-kho bu-bd-nu, zang-fur
Then he say-did, this string-to tug-see, you
moso man-gan." Erui han-ndnui, sd-thdm zang
bullock get-will. Thus say-ing, they-three together
dldung-au hom-ndnui bu-bd-naise. Bu-l bii-l mui-d no
string-on seiz-ing haul-ed. Hauling hauling deer house
man-fai-ld ; boibu gi-khrong-naise. Phdre blmd bifd-i-d
reach-come-did; they all fear-much-did. Then mother-father

1 Zakhai = a group of four, like the Hindi ganda.

2 Ha-gra ; ha = earth, cf. ha-zo, high earth, mountain ; ha-bru, dirty earth,
mud. So also dui-bru, dirty water, whence we get Dibrugarh.

3 The infix htii conveys a sense of "at" or "from a distance." v. Mr.
Anderson's account of the ' agglutinative' verb ; vol. Ill, part II, pp. 7-15 of
the Linguistic Survey of India. — ED.

4 The infix bai signifies continuance.

5 Nang, gnang are very like the Assamese lag and the Bengali lag in the
double sense of " sticking" and necessity.

6 Huru. Kacharis, like Assamese, are very fond of such expletives, which
though they have little, if any, meaning, add to the liveliness of narration..
Many others will be found later on.

H 2

ioo APPENDIX II

mui-kho bu-thdt-ndnui s'lai-nu1 lagi g&ml-nl mansui-?M£

deer-to beat-slay-ing exchange-to for village-of men-to
banyan hu-naise.

loads send-did.

Be-au-nu gotho dbrd-i-d " ai dfd-i-d moso bu-thdt-ndnui

Then boy-foolish mother father bullock beat-killed-did

zdbai" han-ndniii mdlai-ni game game khithd-bai-naise.

ate say-ing strangers-of village village say-continue-did.
Khintu bi-kho dbrd nu-ndnui mansui-/ra bi-rii khordng-kho

But him foolish see-ing men his word

fathi-d-khuise.2 Bl-nl unau, aji-frw thd-i-u kali-frfi
believe-not-did. There-of after, to-day staying to-morrow
thd-i-u, dbrd-i-d bdngai dc,t-bu-ndnuiz gdgai-ni hingzau
staying, fool somewhat big-grow -ing himself-of wife
namai-nu lagi dru brai-burui-nl-au thaka bl-naise,

seek-to for more old-man old-woman from money ask-did.

Be-au-bu hu-d gdr-d, thaka zohJud-brui brai-?u-/rat
Thereupon give-not escape-not, money four-fours old-man-from
Id-ndnui hingzau ndmai-ndnui thdng-naise. Thdng-ui thdng-ui

tak-ing wife seek-ing go -did. Going going

garni mansiii-wi dui gathdn-au zombai thd-naise. Phdre
village men's water ghaut-at hiding stay-ed. Then
unau sdse mazdng hingzausd dui Idng-nu fai-nai nu-ndnui,
after one pretty girl water draw-to com-ing see-ing,

dui gathdn-au bi dui-ldng-nai hingzausd-kho hom-ndnui
water ghaut-at he water-draw-ing girl-to seiz-ing

Idbo-naise. Phdre fai-ui fai-ui ndmd-i-au meng-ndnui

take-did. Then coming coming road-on tired-being
bong-fdng-Jdng-se-rii* sing-au zir&i-naisc, art! wioso-halwa

tree-one-of under rest-ed, and bullock plough(er)

md-se Id-ndnui, mansui sd-se bu be-au-nu zirai-dangman.

one taking, man one also there resting-was.

Bl-baidi bi-sur zirai-bd thd-bd, hom.-nai ldng-zd-nai&
This-way they resting-staying, seiz-ed abducted

1 S'lai, or z'lai, implies mutual action, exchange.

2 A good instance of the characteristic double negative of Kachari, or,
rather, of the fact that the inflexion khuise is only used with the negative
verb.

3 Det, which by a common idiom can be made adjectival by adding the
usual prefix, thus, ge-det=big.

4 Bongfang = tree, fang-se = one, ni = sign of the genitive. As to fang-
se, see many other instances of the Kachdri generic way of counting ;
e.g., mansui sa-se, one man; mosa ma-se, one tiger; etc. There are several
instances in these stories.

5 Lang-za-nai, the curious "passive" or "middle" participle. Perhaps
the most characteristic instance of its use I have come across is in another
story not given here, where a giant insults the Kachari Jack-the-giant-
killer by calling him a " godo-i-au set-ba gakhir on-khdt-nai gotho," literally a

APPENDIX II 101

hingzau-i-d zingdsi-ndnui gdb-ui gdb-ui megong-dui-i-d hd-hd-
girl lamenting cry-ing cry-ing eye-water earth-to-

lagi1 buhi-ldng-naise. Bi-kho nu-ndnui moso Id-nai
as far as flow-down-did. This see-ing bullock leading
mansui-a dbrd-nu khithd-naise, " nang be hingzausd-kho mau2
man fool-to say-did, you that girl- to where
man-nail A™ nang bi-kho nai-nanui Idbo-dang, na nai-i-d-
get-did ? And you her observ-ing take-did, or see-not-
Id-bd labo-dang ? " Old dbrd-i-d bting-naise " dng bl-kho
doing took? Then fool say-did I her

mazdng nu-ndnui bl-sur-nl dui-gathdn-ni-frai thaka zokhai-
pretty see-ing them-of water-ghaut-from rupees four-
brtii din-ndnui labo-dang" Obd-nu bl buddi-grdng-d 3

fours plac-ing take-did. Then that wisdom-possessing-one
bung-naise, "nang khana dang. Be hingzausd mazdng-bd-

say-did, you blind were. That girl pretty-being-

bu* bi-nl megong thai-ne-d bd-nai. Nang nu-d-khui-nul
though, her-of eyes two burst-are. You see-not-did ?
Ho, nui, dui-d so-so buhi-ldng-dang. Bl-baidl hingzausd-
Nay, see, water rushing flow-down-is. This-kind woman-
Mo nang md khdm-nuV^
to you what do-will ?

Be khordng khnd-ndnui dbrd-i-d bl-nl moso zang

That word hear-ing fool his bullock with

s'lai-nti, namai-naise. Khintu bl manstii-o; misai-7i% fiu-nti,

change-to wish-ed. But that man false-ly give-to

namai-i-d. Theo-bu embrd-brd bl-nai-khai,

wish-ed-not. Yet again and again begging-because of,

" Id, le, Id" han-ndnui, moso-zang m&nsni-zang

" take, then, take," saying, bullock- with mortal-with

s'lai-ndnui, gdgai gdgai mon-cm ga-hdm 6 man-ndnui, azang 7

exchang-ing, own own mind-in well find-ing, one-person

"on-throat-squeezing-milk-exuding-boy," i.e., a babe in whose mouth is still
his mother's milk.

1 Ha-ha-lagi. The first hd is the word for " earth," the second is the
same word used as a datival affix = "up to," while lagi is the common
Assamese word repeating the idea of the second ha.

2 Mau of course = md-au, the locative of md = what.

3 Grang = an affix commonly used to indicate the possessor of a quality,
a = sign of nominative.

4 Ba is the sign of the conditional tense, and the adjective mazang ia
turned into a verb by its use.

8 Ma kham-nfi (in the infinitive) is curiously like the French use of "que
faire ? "

8 Ga-hdm = good ; hdm-d = not good, bad ; hdm-dang = is good ; Mm-a-
bai = was not good, etc.

7 Azang is simply the Assamese e jan, used distributively by repetition and
heightened by the indigenous sd-se, which means the same as Assamese e.

102 APPENDIX II

sd-se azang sd-se mdmdr thdng-lai-naise. Be-baidi-nu
one one person one quickly went-away. This-manner-in
thdng-iii thdng-ui x dbrd-i-d bong-fdng fdng-se sing-au burmd
going going fool tree one under goat

Id-nai mdnsui sd-se zo-bai thd-naiz nu-ndnui, bi-bti,
lead-ing man one sitting stay-ing seeing, he-too
be-au-nu zo-naise. Be-baidi zo-bai thd-bd, moso-d
there-indeed sit-did. This-way sit-ting stay-ing, bullock
hd-su-dangman. Phdre bt burmd Idnai mdnsui-a

defecated. Then that goat leading man

bung-naise, " be moso-nl udu-i-d gob-long-bai, aril sdn sd-se 3

said that bullock's belly is burst, more day one
thdbd be thoi-sl-gan." Be-au-bu bi dbrd-i-d gomd nung-
staying it die-perish-will. Then that fool true think-
ndnui, moso-kho bl-ni burmd-zang s'lai-naise. Be-baidi thdng-ui,
ing, bullock his goat- with exchanged. This-way going,
dru sd-se thdlit Id-nai mdnsui Itigu man-nanui,
also one banana bearing man meeting getting,
dbrd-i-d bti zo-dangman. Khintu burmd-i-d gdngsu 4 ukhui-
fool also sit-did. But goat grass hunger-

ndnui ba-brdp bai-nai-au5 In, zo-ntt sukhu

ing restless wandering-on he sit-to pleasure

man-e-khai, burmd-kho bubd, burmd bd bd han-naise.
get-not-because of goat beat-ing, goat ba-baa say-did.
Obdnii, " ese mengndi-i-au dng nang-kho md-brui bd-gan ? "

Then thus tired-being I you what-way carry-shall ?
han-ndnui, brdp-ndnui, gdr-nti6 lubui-bd, be thdlit
saying, angered-being to get rid wishing, that banana
Id-nai mdnsui-d, thdlit-kho dbrd-nu hu-ndnui, In burmd-kho
carry-ing man bananas fool-to giv-ing, he goat
Idng-naise. Bi-baidi-nu bl-sur bi-ni-frai thdng-lai-naise.7
take-did. This-way-indeed they there-from go-away-did.
Ure-au-nu sd-se mdnsui bl-nl sigdng-thiny dsl khrep-
There-upon one man his front-direction finger snap-

1 Thang-ui is the adverbial participle, something like "going-ly."
Gaham-iii = well.

2 Zo-bai-thd-nai = sit-continue-stay-ing.

3 San sa-se = lit. "sun one." Sa is usually the distributive word used in
counting humans. I imagine its use here is not to indicate personification,
but for euphony, as a jingle to san. Man-se would be the normal construction.

4 I have not marked gdngsii as an Assamese word, but it is probably a
Kachari version of ghdn.

5 Ba-brap-lai-nai-au ; this is the locative case of the " passive " participle
in nai of the " agglutinative "-verb, ba-brdp-bai. The infix brdp signifies anger,
restlessness, and bai means wandering about. ' Gar = to loose.

7 Thdng = go ; lai = severally, the same root as occurs in s'lai =
exchange.

APPENDIX II 103

khrep ddm-ndnui fai-dang. Ola-su khathi-ew lugti man-lei,

snap sound-ing come-did. Then near meeting getting
dbrd-i-d bitng-naise, " dng burmd md-se maul hti-ndntii, be

fool said I goat one up-to giv-ing, those

thdlit-kho labodang. Theo-bil dng-ni-au thdlit

bananas carried-away. Yet from-me banana (you)

bl-u ! " Erui han-ndnui, " nang thdlit zd-nu lubui-dang-bd,1

beg ! So say-ing, you banana eat-to wish-do-if
nang-nl bidya-Mo dng-nu hit" han-ndnui, bl bi-au-nu hurd-se

your skill me-to give, say-ing, he there hour-one
mdni sulung-ndnui, zenthen-fa hd-ndnui, thdlit-kho bl-nu

till teaching, as best able-being bananas him-to
hu-ndnui, dsl khrep-khrep ddm-ndnui thdng-naise. Thdng-ui

giving finger snap-snap sound-ing depart-ed. Going
thdng-ui, mai gezer ddp-se-au khl-nu orikhdt-ndnui

going rice tall field-on e-in defecate-to going-out
Jchl-nai-au bi-ni bidya-Mo bau-gdr-naise. Aru be
(in the process) his leaving forgot. And that

mai-gezer-au-nti, gamd-bai 2 han-ndnui, mai-Jcho themd

rice-tall-in lost-is saying, rice lice

nai-nai-baidi 3 nai-naise. JBe-au-nu mai-ni girima-'i-a 4 mai

seeking-like searched. Then rice-of owner rice
hd-bai-tha-dangman 5 nu-ndnui, bl-Jcho sUng-naise, " nang-hd

was broken down seeing him asked you

be-au md gamd-dang ? Ang-nl mai-fur-hd hdm-d
there what have lost ? My rice plants ruined

zo-thro-bai." 6 Abrd bung-naise, " dng-hd thaka

flattened-utterly-are. Fool say-did, I rupees

zokhai-brui-nl bidya man-se be-au-nu gamd-bai. Nang-bu

sixteen of skill one there lost. You-too

dng-zang namai-phd-bd, dng nang-kho ga-hdm man-gan"'1
me-with seek-come-ing I you-to well meet-will,

han-nai-khai, bi-bu namai-ui namai-ui man-e-khai 8
saying-because-of he-too seeking seeking get-not-because of

1 Lubui-dang-bd, a rather rare case of a double inflection. Lvfoui-lnl would
have sufficed. Much the same difference as between " if you wish " and " if
you are wishing."

2 Ga-ma, adjectival form conjugated with the verbal inflexion -bai.
Cf. Lakh-md — hide.

3 Nai-nai, root repeated to signify continuous action.

4 Girimii is plainly from Sanscrit grihasta.

5 Hd-bai-thd-danyman = fall-continue-stay-was.

6 Thro = a common infix commonly used to express completeness of action.
E.g., Thoi-thro-bai = was utterly slain.

7 Ga-hdm man-gan = will get advantage, good.

8 Man = get ; e (euphonic for d) = not ; khai = by reason of.

104 APPENDIX II

brdp-ndnui, " nang-nl khordng-d misa," han-ndnui, dsl
angry-being your tale false, saying, fingers

dam-la, * a/a, da ang man-bai ! " han-ndnui dbrd-i-d
sounding, father, now I get-have ! saying fool
khdt-ldng-naise. Aru be-baidi-nu tkdng-ui thdng-ui fukuri
ran-away. And that- way- exactly going going pond
man-se man-hui-bdl be-au-bu bl khl-ndnui, bl-nl bidya-fcAo

one meet-ing there-too he defecating, his art
baugdr-naise. Phdre bi ndmai-e 2 namai-e man-d-khui.
forgot. Then he seeking seeking get-not-did.

Ere-au-nu sd-se mansui lugfl. man-ndnui sung-naise, " nang-hd

There-on one man meeting getting ask-ed you
be-au ma gamd-dang ? " hanbd, " dfd, dng-ha be-au
there what lost-have, saying, father, I there
ga-hdm basthu man-se gamd-bai ; nang-bu namai-bd, ang

good thing one lost ; you too seeking, I

gahdm man-go" bung-nai-au 3 bl-bil bl-zang namai-fai-

well meet-will, saying he-too him-with search-come-
naise, dru un-au ndmai-ui ncimai-ui hd-bru zang

did, and then seeking seeking earth-mud with
musunld-musunll zd-ndnui, theo-bu man-e-khai, bl

hugger-mugger becoming yet get-not-because of that
mdnsui-d brdp-ndnui dsi ddm-naise. Obd bi, " 0 dfd,
man angry-being fingers sounded. Then he, O father,
dd-su ang be-Jcho man-bai," han-ndnui, rong zd-ndnui,
?wny-indeed I it got-have, saying, happy becoming,

no-hd-ldgi khrep-khrep ddm-ndnui, no man-hui-naise.

house-up-to snap-snap sounding house went and reached.
Bl-kho nu-ndnui brai burui-a mini-su-naise. Agla bi-kho

Him seeing old man old woman laugh-much-did. First him
sinai4 man-d-khtii-man, unau silng-ndnui mithl-naise.
recognition get-not-did after ask-ing knew.

Aru thaka-/wr ma khdm-khul" "han-bd, bung-naise, " ang
And rupees what did ? saying (he) said, I

hingzau sd-se labo-dangman. Be-hd megon thai-ne bu bet-nai.

girl one take-did. Her eyes two also were burst.
Bl-ni-khai dru moso s'lai-naise. Bl-bu dng-kho bd-nu
Therefore also bullock exchanged. It-too me to carry

1 Hfd is an interesting infix, and implies " went and did," or " did from a
distance." Man-hui-bd = although he went and got; man = get.
• Namai-e = euphonic for namai-Hi.

3 Bung-nai-au, an interesting idiom ; bungndniii, the present participle,
apparently imitated from the Assamese, when the agglutinative verb began
to decay, would have done as well ; bung-nai-au is the locative of the
"middle" participle ; bung-nai = "on saying."

4 Sinai is evidently chini (Assamese).

KACHARI MAN (Kamrup District).
/•'ro»i a Photograph by 3Irs. //. A. Cohfith

APPENDIX II 105

thin-nai-khai brdp-ndimi, thdlit s'lai-naise. Thdlit-kho
ordering being angry bananas exchanged. Bananas

nu-ndnui, sd-se mansui-« bl-nai-khai, be mansui-nl-frai
seeing one man begging-because of that man from
be bidya-Mo sulung-ndntii thdlit hti-ndnui Idbo-dcing. Aril

this skill learning bananas giving took. And

dug md khdm-nil ndng-go ? " Zap-bai !
I what to do was obliged ? Ended !

FREE TRANSLATION.

The story of the simpleton.

There was once an old man and an old woman, and they had
an only son. One day he begged rupees of the old people to
buy a bullock, but they, seeing the lad was an innocent, refused
his request. However, on his importuning them, they gave
him sixteen rupees. On which he marched off to purchase his
bullock, and finding a fine one where three roads met, he put
down his money on the road and led the beast away, but as he
was going, he tied his new acquisition to a branch, and, as he
was looking another way, it escaped. On which he started in
search of it, and seeing a stag, hunted that, until by chance its
horns stuck in a thicket. Thereon he tied a cord round its neck,
and joining other cords to the first, finally reached his home.
On which his father and mother asked, " Did not you set out
to buy a bullock ? " " To be sure I did," he replied, " and if
you help me to pull this cord, you will see the bullock I have
bought." So they all three bugged, and presently the stag
appeared, kicking and struggling, to the great fear of the old
people. They killed it, nevertheless, and sent its flesh round to
the adjacent villages for sale. After which the boy went about
saying that the villagers had eaten cow's flesh. But seeing him
to be a fool, no one paid much attention to what he said.

Another day, some time after, when the silly boy was rather
bigger, he asked for money again to buy a wife with. And
again, overcome by his obstinacy, they gave him sixteen rupees,
taking which he set out in search of a maiden, and, after going
some distance, took up his station at a place where the villagers
draw water from the river. Presently a pretty girl came tripping
down to get water, on which, as before, he put down his money
and seized and carried off the girl. And since she was plump,
he soon grew tired and rested under a tree. Presently a

io6 APPENDIX II

man leading a plough ox came that way, and he too joined the
party and sat down. But the girl sat weeping and lamenting
and crying her eyes out. Seeing which, the man said to the
simpleton, " Where did you get that girl ? And did you have a
good look at her before you took her ? " " Yes, I did," said the lad,
" I saw that she was a pretty girl, so I put down sixteen rupees
at the village watering place and carried her off." On which
the cunning fellow said, " You must be blind, my friend ; she
may be a pretty girl, but both her eyes are burst. Did you
not see that ? Why, look at them now. The water is running
from them in streams. What are you going to do with a girl
like that ? "

On hearing that, the lad wanted to exchange the girl for the
plough ox, and the man cunningly pretended to be unwilling,
but was finally persuaded by the simpleton's importunacy, and
said, "There, take it, and begone." So the exchange was
effected, and each quickly went his own way, mightily pleased
with his bargain.

After going some way, the boy met a man with a goat.
This man too sat down. After a while the ox eased itself, and th e
man with the goat said, " That beast's belly is burst, and in a
day or two it will die." The simpleton, believing every word
he said, exchanged his ox for the goat, and went his way.
Presently he met a man carrying a bunch of bananas, and sat
down beside him. But the goat was hungry for grass and kept
wandering about and crying " Ba ! ba ! " so that his master got
no peace. Now the word " ba " in Kachari means " Carry me
on your back." So the boy was vexed, and crying " How shall
I carry you on my back when I am so tired ? " exchanged the
goat for the bunch of bananas. And again each went his way.

By chance there came a man that way snapping his fingers.
And he asked for the bananas. But the simpleton said, " I got
those bananas in exchange for a goat, and you ask me for them !
However, if you really want to eat the fruit, teach me the art of
.snapping the fingers, and you shall have them." After an
hour's teaching, he had learned the difficult art, more or less,
and, giving up the bananas, departed snapping his fingers.

Presently he came to a fine field of rice, and there forgot his
new art. Fancying he had lost it in the rice, he began search-
ing for it in the crop as women search for lice in one another's
hair, and the rice-field was all trodden down. And then
the owner of the field came up and asked, " What are
you looking for there ? " The simpleton said, " I have lost
something for which I gave sixteen rupees. If you will join me
in my search, I shall be greatly obliged." So the man searched

APPENDIX II 107

too, and the crop suffered greatly. But finding nothing, the
man, in pure vexation, snapped his fingers. On which the lad,
crying, " That is just what I lost ! " danced away gaily.

Soon after he paused on the bank of a pond, and again forgot
his art, and began wading about in the mud looking for it.
And a man asked him, as before, what he had lost. So he
replied, " Something for which I gave sixteen rupees." And the
man joined him in the search, and both became covered with
mud from head to foot. And, since they found nothing, the
man grew angry, and snapped his fingers. On which the boy
cried in joy, " Good sir, that is what I lost ! " and danced away
to his home. And when his old parents saw him covered with
mud, they burst out laughing, and, until they heard his voice,
did not know who he was. And when they asked what he had
done with his money, he explained that he had bought a girl,
whom he had exchanged for an ox, which he gave in exchange
for a goat, which angered him by ordering him to .carry it on
his back, so that he exchanged it for a bunch of bananas, which
he gave in exchange for the art of snapping his fingers. " And
what else did you expect me to do ? " said the simpleton ! And
that's all !

II. MUKHRA ARU SESSA-Nl KHORANG.

The tale of the monkey and the hare,

Md-se sessd dru mukhrd zang fisikhl1 man. Sl-sUr
One hare and monkey together friendship was. They
sd-nui zang ozai-nu 2 lugti se thd-i-u, Iftgti se zd-i-u, arti.
two together ever together stayed, together ate, and
liigu se 3 thd-baa-bai-i-u. Obdsu sdn-se sd-se Darrang-dr&i
together wandered about. Then day-one one Darrang-ite
mansui goe thdlit Id-ndnui, dldsl zd-nu thdng-nai ndm-au
man betel banana bringing, feast to eat going on road
Itigti man-ndnui, bl-siir rai-lai-naise* "be mdnsui-nl
meeting obtaining, they speaking-exchanged, this man's
goe thdlit-fur-kho zd-nu lagi zang-fur buddi man-se kham-ww
betel bananas to eat for we scheme one to make

1 Fi-sikhl ; sikhi = friend ; fi is the causal prefix which also occurs in the
word Ji-sd, a son ; i.e. a made person, " the being you cause to exist."

2 Ozai = the Assamese haddi, with the intensive nu added.

3 Luguse = evidently, the Assamese lagat.

4 Rai = converse ; lai = mutually ; naise is the inflection.

IOS APPENDIX II

ndng-go" han-ndnui, sessd-kho ndmau thd-nu thin-ndnui,

must, saying, hare on road to stay sending,

mukhrd-i-d hd-grd-i-au hdkhmdnai thd-naise. Phdre mansui-a

monkey forest in hidden stay-ed. Then man
man-fai-bd, sessd-kho nu-ndnui, bl-bdn din-ndnui, hu-su-naise.

reaching, hare-to seeing, load placing, hunted.
Hu-su-bd, mukhrd-i-d hdgrd-nl-frai mdmdr on-khdt-ndnui,
Hunting, monkey forest-from quickly emerging,
thdlit-fur-kho Id-ndnui, bong-fdng-au gd-khu-hui-naise.1 Aru
bananas taking, in tree clambered. And

" sessd fai-gan " han-ndnui, thdlit goe-fur-kho mdmdr zd-
" hare will come " saying, bananas betel-nuts quickly eat-
grU-naise. Aru thdlit bigur bud sessd-nu din-naise.
gobbled. And banana skins only for hare placed.
Emphdre unau sessd-kho mdnsui-d hom-nu hd-i-d-khtiise
Then after hare-to the man to seize was-not-able
dru un-au no-i-au2 tJidng-phd-phin-naise? Obdsu sessd-i-d
and after to house go-away-back-did. Then hare

gdbzri-Ui gabzri-ui thdng-ndnui, fisikhl-kho lugii man-hui-ndnui,
shouting shouting going, friend meeting obtaining,

gur thdlit bl-bd, thdlit bigur bud hu-naise.

molasses bananas on begging, banana skins only gave.
Bi-ni-khai sessd-i-d brdp-ndntii, " be-kho bdngai dukhu hugan,"
Therefore hare being angry, to him some trouble will give
mon-aw nung-ndnui, thdso-bdre* sing-au thd-hui-naise.
in mind thinking, Kachhu plants under went and stayed.
Un-au mukhrd-i-d bong-fdng-nl-frai on-khdt-ndnui, " sikhl-lui,
After monkey from tree descending, oh, friend,

sikhi-lui ! " han-ui han-ui, gabzri gdbzn thdng-bd, sessd-i-d
oh friend, saying saying, shouting shouting going, hare
brdp-nd-nui bung-naise, " md-thu 5 sikhl sikhl ltii ? 2 Ang
being angry said, what's this " friend friend," eh ? I
be-au-nu raza-m khuser6 ne-fai-dang. Nang-nti

here king's sugar-cane am come to watch. You
dng-kho md-nu ndng-go ? " Obd-su mtikhrd-i-d nu-zd-hui-

of me what Avant ? Then monkey going and

ndnUi 7 bung-naise, " he sikhl, khuser-kho dng-nu tho-se hu,
looking said, oh, friend, sugar-cane to me one bit give,

1 Gukhu, = climb ; gakhu-Md = went and climbed.

2 No = house ; au = datival inflection ; the i is inserted for euphony.

3 Phd-phin ; an infix implying " returning."

4 Thdso may perhaps be a corruption of Assamese kasu.

5 Thu and lui are examples of idiomatic expletives which are practically
untranslatable. So also herd.

6 Khuser is of course Assamese khusiydr.

7 NU = see ; zd = be, become 3 htii = going.

APPENDIX II 109

hera! Bese gathdu dng zd-nai nl," han-bd, sessd bung-naise,

do ! How sweet I eating see. saying, hare said,
" Ang nang-nu hii-nu hd-i-d. Raza khnd-bd dng-kho
I to you to give am not able. King on hearing me

bu-gan" Theo-bu bl embrd-brd bi-nai-khai,

will beat. However he again and again because of begging,
"zd, lui, zd,1 dng nang-zang hd-lid," han-ndnui, zd-nti

eat, there, eat, I with you am not able, saying, to eat
hu-naise. Phdre bl zd-ndnui, sdld-i-au man-bd, " sikhl, dng

gave. Then he eating, on tongue catching, friend, I
thoi-naise," han-ndnui, babrdp-bai-bd, sessd bung-naise,

am killed, saying, wandering distractedly, hare said,
"nang gagai-nu dukhu man-dang. Ang dd nang-kho ma

you your own trouble procured. I now to you what
kham-gan ? " han-ndnui, bere-jothd-nl baha sing-au thd-hui-

shall do ? saying, hornets of nest under went and

naise. Mukhrd-bu un un gabzrl-ndnui thdng-ndnui,
stayed. Monkey-too behind behind shouting g°mg>

am nu-zd-hui-nai-sui-ld-i-u.2 " Sikhl, nang md

also went and watched him with care. Friend, you what
khdm-dang ? " bung-bd, sessd khithd-naise, " dng raza-7M zothd

are doing ? on saying, hare said, I king's drum

ne-dang," han-bd, " Sikhi, dng-nu bdngai dam-nil hu, herd / "
am guarding, saying, friend, to me a little to play give, do !
Sessd-i-d bung-naise, " uh I dng hd-i-d, herd ; raza khnd-bd

Hare said, oh ! I cannot, truly, king on hearing

dng-kho bu-thdt-gan," bung-bd bu, embrd-brd "dng

me beating will kill, saying even, again and again I

lasui-s^t ddm-gan, herd," han-ndnui, bere bdhd-kM dkhai-

very lightly will play, really, saying, hornets' nest hand-

phdt-ne zang bu-zdp-naise. Obdnu bere-frd mukhang,3
palms-two with beat and broke. Then hornets face,
megon, modom? gdsenu ot-phop-bd mukhrd-i-d gdp-khrau

eyes, body, all stinging-hurting monkey howling

1 Zd = eat (the imperative is always the bare root, as in so many other
languages). The word reminds me of a little story which shows the
perplexities of bilingual people. A Kachari went to see his Assamese
mother-in-law, who provided food and hospitably said (in Assamese) " Khd,
kha." On which her son-in-law, obeying her injunction in Kachari, bound
her hand and foot. Seeing his mistake, she laughed and said, in Kachari,
" Zd, zd." On which he, much puzzled, went away !

2 A good example of the agglutinative verb, for which in Hinduised
Kachari would be substituted a long succession of participles, such as
WM-naniii, zd-ndniii, thdng-ndnui, etc. It is impossible, of course, to translate
all the infixes severally.

3 Perhaps mukhang is Assamese, as well as dtheng which occurs elsewhere,
and modom may be badan.

no APPENDIX II

gap-si ba-brdp-bai-naise.1 Obdnia sessd-i-d bung-naise, "any
yelling wandered about. Then monkey said, I

du-hui-nu nang-nu khithd-dangman, theobu nang khordng
repeatedly to you said, yet you word

Id-i-d. Ang md khdm-gan ? " han-ndnui, dru ddp-se-au
accepted-not. I what shall do ? say-ing, and field-one-in
zi&o-gowal-m khathi-aw thd-hui-naise. Azang-hd mukhrd
a kind of snake near went and stayed. Accordingly monkey
bu khl-thu khl-thu thdng-ndnui bung-naise, "dru be-au lai
too behind behind going said, and there eh ?

nang md khdm-dang, hera ? " Sessd bung-naise, " dng raza-
you what are doing, say ? Hare said, I king-

lung-hd-nl 2 sama-lauthi ne-dang, herd ! " bung-bd, " Sikhl,
people-of sceptre am watching, sir ! saying, friend,
dng-nu-bu hu, herd ! dng bdngai ddng-nai-ni." Bl " hu-d "
to me too give, do ! la little wield and see. He "not give"
han-bd-bu embrd-brd ddng-nai-ndnui be-au-bu bl zibo-
saying-even again and again wielding then-also he snake-
zang ot-zd-naise.z Bl-ni-frai sessd thdng-ndnui photo-bdre-au
by bitten be-came. There-from hare go-ing marsh-in

thd-hui-naise. Mukhrd bu gabzri gdbzrl thdng-ndnui,
went and stayed. Monkey also shouting shouting go-ing,
dru lugu Id-hui-ndnui sessd-kho sung-bd, bl bung-naise,
and meeting going and getting hare-to asking, he said,
"be-kho-nu raza-m dola han-ndnui bung-u." Mukhrd
This king's palanquin saying call. Monkey
bung-naise, " Sikhl, dng bdngai uthl-nai nl, herd ! " bung-bd,
said, friend, I a little ascending see, please ! saying,
"uh! dng hu-nu hd-i-d. Raza khnd-bd dng-kho md

oh ! I to give am not able. King hearing to me what
bung-gan? Nang md-bd dbrd mansiii, hera! khordng
will say ? You what sort fool man, eh ! Word
khithd-bd-bu khnd-song-d," bung-bd-bu, mukhrd-i-d, " nong-d,
saying-even not heed, saying-even, monkey, no, no,
herd sikhl, do-se bud uihl-gan," han-ndnui, photo-bdre-au
oh friend, one bit only will ascend, saying, on marsh
bdt-drum-bd, godo-hd-\agi thrup thdng-naise. Obdsu sessd
jumping, neck-up too flop stuck. Then hare

khithd-naise, " duhui thdht zd-ndnui bigur hu-nai-d,
said, " now bananas eating skin giving-(person),

1 Ba-brap-bai-naise = wandered distractedly about. The infix bai
signifies wandering, and babrdp being in pain or wrath.

2 H,aza,-l&Tig-hd-ni = a literal translation of Assamese raja-hatar.

3 An instance of the rare passive, a manifest imitation of the Assamese
idiom-ot-za-nu, "bit-become-to," to be bitten.

APPENDIX II in

be-nu, herd sikhl, nang be-au-nu thd-du ! Any nang-kho
here, oh friend, you, there-even stop ! I you

khulum-bai ! Ang thdng-naise," han-ndnui, In

pay you my reverence ! I am going, saying, he

mukhrd-kho be-au-nu gdr-lai-naise.
the monkey there left behind.

Obasd unau bl-thing ganda md-se fai-nai nu-bd,

Then after that-direction rhinoceros one coming seeing,

bi-kho mukhrd-i-d dikhdng-nu thing -dangman. Gdndd-i-d

to him monkey to extricate was ordering. Rhinoceros

bung-naise, " dng-hd ukhui-sui-dang aru. dui-gdng-stii-dang ;

said, I hungry- very-am and water-thirsty- very-am ;

dng nang-kho dikhdng-nu hd-i-d," han-ndnui, bl thdng-
I you to extricate am not able, saying, he went
liaise.
away.

Bl-ni un-au aru moesu md-se fai-nai-au, bl-kho-bu
There after also buffalo one on coming, to him also
khithd-dangman. Bl-bu khnd-song-d-ld-bd blot thdng-naise.
said. He also not attending pop ! went away.

Boi-nu-khri khi-zap-au1 mosd md-se ukhui-su-ndnui bi-
Than him tail-end-at tiger one hungry-very-being that-
thing thdng-dangman. Mukhrd nu-ndnui bung-naise, " he
direction was going. Monkey seeing said, Oh
dfd, nang dng-kho be dukhu-m-frai dikhdng-d-bd arii
father, you to me this trouble-from if (you) extricate other
raubo dikhdng-lia," " han-ndnui, gahdm-ui khulum-nu
anyone extricate will not, saying, well to worship

hom-naise. Theo-bu bl, " dng nang-kho dikhdng-ndntii md
began. Still he, I you extricating what

man-gan ? " han-ndnui, klwzo-ne-su thdng-bd, mukhrd-i-d
shall get ? saying, paces-two-about going monkey

bung-naise, " dfd, nang dng-kho be photo-bdre-ni-frai

said, father, you me this marsh-from

dikhdng-ndnui hd-bru-fur-kho su-srd-ndniii, dng-kho

extricating muddiness (lit. " muds ") cleansing me

nang zd" han-bd, bl, ukhui-su-nai-khai be khoi'dng-au
you eat, saying he hungriness-because-of that word
khnd-song-ndnui, bl-kho bung-naise, " dng nang-kho zd-nu mon
hearkening to him said I you to eat mind

gui-d, mandthu, be-baidi dukhu-aw gaglai-nai-kho
have not, however, that sort trouble-in fallen (person) to
dikhdng-d-bd, dng-hd gahdm zd-gan. Theo-bu gaigai-nii
extricate-not-if, I good will-be. However yourself
1 An expressive phrase for " last of all."

112 APPENDIX II

zasl-ndnui hunai-i-au, dng zd-nu hdgo," han-ndnui, bl-nl
beseeching on giving I to eat am able, saying, his
lanzai-Mo phol-au hot-bd,1 mukhrd-i-d bl-nl Idnzai-au hom-ba,
tail- in marsh sending, monkey his tail seizing
dikhdng-bu-naise. Mukhrd khithd-naise, " dfd, nang dng-kho
dragged him out. Monkey said Father, you me
dd-nid modom-fur-kJw gahdm-ui su-srd, emphare rdn-bd zd,"

now body (plural) well dry, after drying eat,
han-ndnui sdn-dung-au do-se zo-bai thd-dangman. Ere-au-nu

saying sun-shine-in one bit sitting remained. Then
mosd-i-d phdt-se-thing nai-ne-au, bl bong-fang-au fdt-

tiger one other direction on looking he in tree helter-

drdp gd-khu-naise. Mosd be-kho nu-ndntii, brdp-ndnui,

skelter clambered. Tiger him seeing, angry-being,

bongfdng g\iri-au-nu sdn-ne sdn-thdm ne-bai thd-naise.

tree root at days-two days-three watch-ing stay-ed.

Be-baidi thd-ndnui, khugd sl-ndnui, hdthai hdzlzl
This- way stay-ing, jaws gap-ing teeth display
kham-nan^, thoi-thl-ndnui tha-naisc, aru thdmfai-frd

making dead-pretend-ing stay-ed, and flies
khugd-i-au brung-brung han-lai-nu hom-naise. Be-au-nu

mouth in buzz buzz to continue to stay began. Thereon
mukhrd-i-d ose ose thoi-mdt-bai nung-ndnui, bongfdng

monkey by degrees dead-verily-is thinking, tree
bizo-nl-frai lase lase onkhdt-hu-ndnui, agla l&se-i-hai

top-from slowly slowly descending, first carefully
lanzai khugau su-nai-grti-bd-bu mosd mung-bo

tail in jaw insert-examine-feel-ing-even tiger anything
khdm-d-khuise. Aru un-au dtheng thdng-se su-ndnui hu-nai.

did not do. And after leg one inserting gave.

Be-au-bu mungbo khdm-d-khuise. Obdsu mulch rd bung-naise,
Thereon anything did not do. Then monkey said,
"nang dng-nl dtheng-fur-kho khrem-khrem ot-ndnui

you my legs — crunch-crunch biting

zd-gauman, lanzai-Mo khrem-khrem ot-ndnui

would have eaten, tail crunch-crunch biting

zd-gauman" Juin-ndnui, rong zd-ndnui, " dd-nid dng-nl
would have eaten, saying, happy becoming, Now my
khoro-kho-nu zd," han-ndnui, khug-au su-ndnui hu-bd, obdnu

head-also eat, saying, in mouth inserting giving, then
mosd-i-d khrem ot-khrep-naise. Thoi-bai. Zap-bai !
tiger scrunch bite-crunch-did. Died ! Finished !

1 Lit. "throwing."

GROUP OK KACHAKI MKN (Kamrup District).

Prom a I'hotofrafili l>y Mrs. H. A. Colquhoiin.

APPENDIX II 113

FREE TRANSLATION.

The Monkey and the Hare.

A monkey and a hare were great friends. They ever lived
together, ate together, and went about together. One day
meeting a man from Darrang going to a feast with a load of
bananas and other delicacies, they said to one another, "We
must get what that man is carrying by some trick or other."
Whereupon the monkey bade the hare stay on the road, while
he himself hid in the forest. Presently the man, seeing the
hare, put down his load and ran after it. On which the monkey,
coming out from the jungle, carried off the bananas and other
things. And for fear the hare should come and ask his share,
the monkey hastily gobbled up the bananas and betel-nuts and
kept the skins only for his friend.

The man, not being able to catch the hare, went home, and
then the hare, shouting aloud, searched for the monkey, and,
when he found him, demanded his share of the spoil, and only
got the skins. So, being vexed, he determined to have his
revenge. And first he went and hid under some acrid kachu
plants. And when the monkey came and asked what he was
doing, he replied, " My friend, I have the honour to be in charge
of the king's sugar-canes." So the monkey said, " Ah, give me
just a bit, do." But the hare replied, "And what do you
suppose the king will say ? " But the monkey was importunate.
So the hare gave him a stalk of kachu to chew, and when the
acrid juice stung his tongue, the monkey began dancing about
howling. But the hare coolly said, " It's all your own fault !
You would have a stick of the king's sugar-cane, and what could
I do?"

Then the hare went and took up his post under a hornet's
nest, and the monkey came along, shouting for his friend, and,
finding him asked, " What may you be doing there ? " And the
hare replied, " I am guarding the king's drum, so there ! "
"Ah," said the monkey, "do let me beat the king's drum!"
"Oh, but I cannot," said the hare, "the king will be angry."
But the monkey insisted, and said, " I will play on .the drum
very gently ; you see ! " So the hare consenting, the monkey
clapped his two palms on the hornet's nest and broke it, so that
the hornets emerged, and stung him sore, so that he screamed
with pain. But the hare only said, " You would have your way,
and what was I to do ? "

114 APPENDIX II

Next the hare went and sat down near a goical snake. And
the monkey came shouting, and asked, " What are you about
now, my friend ? " The hare replied, " I am now in charge of
the king's sceptre ! " On which the monkey said, " Ah, let me
just wield the king's sceptre for a moment ! " But the hare
answered, " I cannot do that, for the king will be angry." But
the monkey being importunate, he consented. Whereupon, of
course, the snake bit him, and he howled with pain.

Then the hare went and sat in a marshy place, and the
monkey came shouting in search of him, and asked what he was
doing. And the hare told him he was sitting on the king's
litter. " Ah," prayed the monkey, " let me too sit on the king's
litter." But the hare said angrily, " And what do you suppose
the king will say ? It strikes me you are a fool, my friend, and
listen to no warning ! " But the monkey, insisting, leaped into
the marsh, sank up to his neck, and stuck there miserably. On
which the hare leaped out and cried, " Now, my kind friend,
you who eat bananas and give me the skins, you can just stay
where you are ! My compliments ! I am off ! " So saying, he left
him to his fate.

Presently a rhinoceros came that way, and the monkey begged
him to extricate him. But the rhinoceros remarked that he
was hungry and thirsty and on his way home to dinner, and
went his way. And a buffalo also passed by and refused to
help. Finally a tiger came, extremely ravenous. And the
monkey entreated him respectfully to pull him out ; but the
tiger said he did not see how it would profit him to come to his
rescue. But when he had gone some two paces, the monkey
called after him, " Look here, if you will drag me out of the
marsh, you can clean me of the mud, and eat me ! '' And since
the tiger was extremely hungry, he consented and said, " It is
not that I have any particular desire to eat you, but if I do a
good deed, I shall get virtue. However, as you are good enough
to insist, I am willing to make a meal of you." So saying, he
put his tail into the marsh, and the monkey, catching hold of it,
was slowly dragged forth. On which the monkey said, " Now
let me dry myself in the sun, and when the mud is dry you can
scrape it off and eat me." So he sat in the sun, and the tiger
waited hungrily. But the monkey seized the opportunity when
the tiger chanced to look another way, and clambered up a tree.
At that the tiger was very angry, and waited two or three days
at the foot of the tree. Finally he pretended to die of starvation
and lay there with his mouth open and his great teeth showing.
So the monkey climbed down, slowly and cautiously. And the
tiger lay quite still, so that the flies came and buzzed in his

APPENDIX II 115

mouth. And first the monkey carefully put his tail in the
tiger's mouth. But he never stirred. Then the monkey thrust
his leg in the tiger's mouth, and still he did not move. " Ah,"
said the monkey, in great glee, " you would have gobbled up my
tail, and scrunched up my limbs, would you ? " And so saying,
the silly creature thrust his head in the tiger's mouth. And
the jaws closed with a scrunch, and the monkey died, and
that's all !

III. — SI-SB PHALANGl GOTHO-NI KHORANG.

The story of the merchant lad.

Sd-se udu-i-au-nu bifd thoi-zd-nai gotho dangman.
One womb-in-even father dead-becoming boy was.
Phare azi azi khali khali bl ge-det zd-bd
Then to-day to-day to-morrow to-morrow he big becoming
sdn-se blmd-nl-au sung-naise, " ai, agla zang-fur-hd
day-one mother's to ask-ed, mother, before us people-'s
dfd-i-d, lai, ma mau-ndnui zd-dangman ? " han-bd, blmd-i-d
father, now, what labouring eat-did saying mother

hdmd su-ndnui khithd-naise, "nam-fd-i-d desii desti
breath sighing said, your father country country

fdldngi khdm-ndnui zd-dangman. Bl thd-bld, dd
hawking doing used to eat. He remained-if now
zang-frd ese-bu dukhu zd-i-d-man," han-bd, bi bung-naise, " uh,
we thus trouble should not eat, saying he said, Eh,
obd any bi hdbd-kho hd-i-d na ? bese thaka dang,
then I that work for able-am-not eh ? as many rupees are,
dng-nii dihon-ndnui hu," han-bd, blmd-i-d bung-naise, " dfd,1
to me producing give, saying, mother said, father
nang bl-baidi Jchdm-nu nang-d, dng bi-ui gdrj-ui
you this-way to do must-not, I beg-ging weeping
nang-nu zd-hti-gan. Nang malai-nl dekhu-aw

you to eat-give-will. You foreign land-in

thdng-ndnui md-brHi-bd thoi-bd bet-bd dng md-brHi
going what way-ever dying perishing I what way
thd-gan?." Theobu gotho-d Jchnd-song-d-ldbd, embrd-brd
stay-will ? Still boy not hearing again and again
b^md-nl-a^t, thaka bl-ndnui Id-ndnui bastu bai-naise,
mother-from rupees begging taking merchandise bought
1 "Father" used affectionately for "child."

I 2

ii6 APPENDIX II

arii nau gong-se namai-nanui, Id-naise, aril gdsenu
and boat one seeking took and all

zo xd-bd, mansui sd-nui-su hom-ndnui blmd

fit becoming, men about two seizing mother

burui-Mo khulum-ndnui tndlai-nl dekhu-cm nau aang
old woman-to worshipping foreign country boat with
thang-naise. JBe-baidi-nu thdng-ul thdng-ui garni dot-se

went. This-manner-in going going village one

dui-gathan-au nau-kho khd-ndnui, garni garni basthu
water-ghaut-at boat binding, village village merchandise
phdn-hu-naise, Bi gdgai nau ne-u. Be-baidl-nU
hawking-send-did He himself boat watched. This-way-in
thd-tii thd-ui be-au-na sur-bd brai burui

stay-ing stay-ing there certain old man old woman

sd-nui-hd hangsu gafut md-se dang man. Bi-nu bi-sur-vti
two-people-of swan white one was. It they

dui la-ui mikhdm song-Hi hu-grd-man. Bl-kho-nu

water-giving rice cooking gave and cherished. It-itself
sdn-se bl gotho-d dui-gathdn-au gagai-nl h&ugsu-bigur-kho
one day that boy water-ghaut-at its own swan-skin
khii-ndniii din-ndnui dru mazdng sikhld-sd zd-ndnui dugui-nai
shedding placing and lovely girl becoming bathing
nu-naise. Bl-rii-frai-nti boi hangsu-m girima

saw. From-that (time) even that swan's owners

brai-burui-fcAo on-su-ndnui tJiau dru bl-ni nau-aw zl

old man old woman loving oil and his ship-in what

zl basthu dang, oz&i-nu bdngai bdngai hu-nu

what merchandise was, always some some to give

hom-naise. Bl-baidl-nu basthu-^?'-Mo fdn-ui fdn-ui

began. This-way-in merchandises vending vending

fdn-zap-bd nS-i-au fai-nai so-nai-khai bi

sale- finished-being to house come concluding-because of that

brai burui-n% nS-i-au thdng-ndnui, thaka zdbrd

old man old woman's house-to going money much

hUndn'tii, hangsu-ZcAo bl-bd, brai burui " erc-nu

giving swan begging old man old woman, " as it is

Idng," han-ndnui bung-dangman, khintu bl fafu-n<m#
take " saying, said but he sin-smitten

zd-nti, gl-ndnui, brai-w? gndng basthu-^Aai

to become fearing old man's belonging property because of

embrd-brd thaka hu-ndnui, hangsft-Mo Idbo-naise.
importunately rupees giving swan took away.

IH-nl-frai nau Id-ndn&i, fai-tii fai-ui, no man-fai-

There after boat taking, coming coming, house reach-corn-

APPENDIX II 117

ndnui, azl-bti, thd-i-ti, khali-Z># thd-i-ti, fa hangsu

ing, to-day-too staying to-morrow-too staying he swan
mansui zd-i-e nu-ndnUi, sdn-frim-bu hdm-ldng-na'ise.

man becomes-not seeing, day-each-on sick became.
Bl-kho-nu nu-ndnui bimd burui-a malai-nl-au sung-bd

To him seeing mother old woman strangers-from on asking
bai-bd rau-bu mung-bti, khithd-nu hd-i-d. Khintu
frequenting anyone anything to say was unable. But
bi-au-nu burui sd-se dangman. Bi-nl-au sung-bd, Jn

there old woman one was. Her on asking, she

bung-naise, " agui, nang bl-kho-nu mithi-d-khui na? El

said, sister, you that understood-not eh? That
fdldngl kham-wa^ thang-nai-au md-bd man-se zd-dang.
hawking doing going-in something one thing happened.
Nang bl-kho buddi kham-6a, mithi-nti, hd-gan," han-bd,

You to him trick doing, to understand will be able, saying,

Mmd burui-a bung-naise, " khitha-horl-?iai, ai
mother old woman said, speak-out-do, mother

burui, dhorom man-gan" han-bd bl khitha-naise, "nang
old woman, virtue get will, saying, she said, you

san-se sd-se sikhld-sd labo-ndnui nang-nl gotho-ni thema
one day one girl taking your boy's lice

nai-nu thin. Aru thema naibai thd-nai-au-nu gdp-
to search order. And lice searching in staying weep-

thi-ndnai sting-thdng, "nang md-nu sdn-frim-bH
pretend-ing let her ask, you why day by day

hdm-ldng-dang ? " Obdnti M lk-kho on-khdng-ndnUi li-ni

waste away ? Then he to her feeling affection his

mon-aw zi khordng dang, lil khithd-gan," han-bd, blmd
mind-in what word is, he say-will, saying, mother
bl-laidi-nu khdm-naise. Hingzausd-i-d themd nai-nai-au-nil
that-way-in did. Girl lice while searching

gdp-thi-ndnui gongrai surukhil surukhu sung-naise, " ddd-
weep-pretend-ing snottle snuffle snuffle ask-ed, brother-

lui, nang-hd-lai md xddang ? Nang be-kho khithd-i-d-
mine, to you what has happened ? You that if do not

bd, dng bu khdm dui zd-i-d" han-nai-khai gotlio-d,

say, I too rice water will not eat, because of saying boy,
hdmd m-ndnui, bl-nii lase lase khithd-naise, " dng
breath sighing, to her slowly slowly said, I

fdldngl kham-mt ihdng-nai-i-au da dng-ni n&\i-i-au zi
trading to do on going indeed my boat in which

1 Hor = hot = " throw."

n8 APPENDIX II

hangsu gafut md-se dang, blkho raanstii zd-nai nu-dangman.

swan white one is, it man becoming saw.
Khintu In, da baidi-sui-ui-nu thd-bai. Bl-m-Tchai dng

But it now manner-same-in stays. Because of that I

ere-baidi zd-dang." Themd nai-khdng-bd be

this manner am become. Lice seeking-finished-being those
gdsenu khordng hingzausd-i-d bl-nl temd-nu khithd-naise.

all words girl his mother-to said.

Be-kho blmd-i-d khnd-ndnui boi burui-m£ khithd-hui-naise
To her mother listening that old woman-to sent and said
Id-i-u. Burui-a bl-kho khnd-ndnui buddi hu-naise ld-l-u,
exactly. Old woman to her listening wisdom gave verily,
" nang dini boi hingzausd-kho Idbo-ndnui khithd-ndnui hu,

you to-day that girl bringing saying give

bl dim hor-au udu-ldng-thl-ndnui thd-thdng. Hor
he to-day night-in sleep-deep-pretend-ing remain-let. Night
gezer-bd hangsu-a mansui zd-ndnui gagai-nl

much-being swan man becoming own

modai-fur-kho khulum-bai-thd-i-u. Be-au-nu In hangsu
gods is wont to worship. Thereon that swan

bigur-kho zuzai-mu-au su-ndnui hu-bd, obdnid

skin hearth-on thrusting placing, thereon

mansui-?m thd-si-gan." Be buddi hu-nai-baidi-nti,

man-indeed stay-altogether-will. That wisdom giving-like-even
blmd-i-d hingzausd-nu khithd-naise, dru hingzausd-i-d bu
mother girl-to said and girl also

gotho-nu khithd-ndnui hu-nai-khai, sdn-se gotho-d khumi
boy-to saying because of giving, one day boy vessel
gong-se-au khdre-zang thau-zang golai-ndnui din-nai, arii

one in ashes-with oil-with mixing placed and

songor man-se din-naise. Hor zd-bd bl

yak's tail one placed. Night becoming he

udui-thi-ldng-ndnui tha-5a, hangsu-a si-khdng-ndnui
sleep-pretend-slumber-ing staying, swan emerging

dkhd-i-au dtheng-au modom-au-bU khepthu-bai-dang. Theobii Li
on hand, on leg on body also felt (with beak) Still he
khet-khut khdmd-khuise. Bl-nl-Tchai bl udu-ldng-mdt-bai
stirring made not. Therefore he asleep-deep-truly-is

nung-ndnui, gagai-nl hangsu bigur-kho la,se-hai khu-ndnui

thinking, her own swan skin slowly unfastening
din-ndnui gagai-nl modai-fur-kho mon hu-ndnui,

placing her own gods-to mind giving,

khvilum-bai-thd-dangman. Ere-au-nu srl-srl \ase-hai

worshipping-staying-was. So still-still slowly

APPENDIX II 119

si-kkdng-nd-n&i boi hangsti bigur-khd thapne-hai

emerging that swan skin suddenly

zuzai-mu-au e-fop-ndnui din-naise. Unau bigur-d

in hearth thrusting placed. Then skin

khdm-ndnui. mandm-khdng-bd, bl-Jcko mandm-ndnili

scorching, smell-emerging, that smelling

man-ndnui, " dng-kho md kham-&M, md kh&m-khu / "
obtaining, To me what have done, what have done ?
han-ndntii, fdt-drdp-do gaglai-ndnui, khdng-grdng-ndn&i,

saying, hither-thither falling about, rolling about,

thoi-hdp-ndnui thd-naise. Obdsti, gotho-d mdmdr fai-ndnui

half dead becoming stayed. Then boy quickly coming

khurui-m thau-lthd khoro-modom-dt1ieng-&khai-au hu-ndn&i,

vessel-of oil head - body - leg - arm - on giving,

songor zang sip-bai-thd-naise, dru bl-baidl-nH sip-ui
yak's tail with continued to fan, and that-way-in fanning

sip-Hi thd-bld, gabau-zang hdmd sukhdng-naise, drti
fanning on staying, with delay breath sighed-forth and
thdng-khdng-naise. JBi-baidi-nu mansui za-ndn&i,

alive-became. That-way-in man becoming,

sd-nui-zang hdbd kh&m-lai-ndniii zdbrd din-hd-ldgi

they-two-together marriage do-exchang-ing many days-up-to
ft-sd fisu zang rozo-nt-man-zd-lai-bai-thd-naise ! Zapbai !
boys girls with " lived happily ever after." Finished !

FREE TRANSLATION.

The story of the merchant lad.

There was a certain lad whose father died before he was born.
And, one day, when he had grown a big boy, he asked his
mother, "What did my father do for his living?" And his
mother, drawing a long breath, said, " Your father used to travel
about selling things. Ah, if he were alive we should have
no trouble to endure ! " But the boy replied, " Do not you
think that I too could earn money in that way ? Bring out
what money there is, and let me see what I can do." But his
mother said, " Ah, my son, you must not talk like that ! If you
go away into foreign lands and die there, what will become of
me ? " But her son would not listen to her, and by importunity
induced her to give him money, with which he bought goods,
and procured a boat, and hiring two or three men, took leave of

120 APPENDIX II

his mother, and went into a far country to trade. Finally he
came to a certain place where he moored his boat, at the place
where men draw water, and sent his men to hawk his wares
from village to village while he himself stayed in the boat. It
happened that there lived hard by an old couple who possessed
a white swan, which they fed and tended as though it were their
own child. One day, the lad saw this swan strip itself of its
swan plumage and become a beautiful maiden, and bathe. From
that time forth he paid great attention to the owners of the
swan, and gave them presents of the oil and other things he had
in his boat. And when the merchandise had been sold and the
time was come to go home, he went to the old people's house
and offering much money begged them to sell him their swan.
But they were for giving him their swan for nothing. He,
however, feared to commit a sin if he took it as a gift, and,
because it was the old man's property, compelled him to take
much money in exchange for it, and went away.

But when he came home with his boat, behold, the swan
remained a swan, and, for disappointment, the lad pined and
wasted away. Seeing which, his old mother consulted various
people, but got no help. Finally, she went to a certain wise
woman, who said, " Sister, do not you understand ? Something
has happened to him while he was away trading. You must
use a device to find out what it is." To which the mother
replied, " Tell me plainly what it is, and you will do a good
deed." So the wise woman gave this advice. " Some day do
you direct a maiden to search for lice in his hair. And while
she is doing this, let her pretend to be mightily grieved, and let
her ask him what is the matter. And he will feel flattered and
will open out his heart to her." And the mother did as the
wise woman directed her. The girl she sent wept and snuffled
as she tended the lad and said, " Tell me why you pine and
grow thin ; else I too will give up food and drink." And so he,
heaving a sigh, explained thus : " While I was away trading, I
saw the white swan which is in my boat turn into a maiden.
But now she remains a swan, and for her love I am pining."

When her task was done, she told the lad's mother, who sent
word to the wise woman. The wise woman said, " Let the girl
tell him that the swan maiden worships her own gods in the
dead of night. Let him pretend to lie asleep, and when she
divests herself of her swan plumage, let him seize it and thrust
it into the hearth, and then she will always remain a girl." The
old mother directed the girl accordingly, and the girl told the
lad. One day he mixed ashes and oil in a vessel, and procured

APPENDIX II 121

a yak's tail, and, when night was come, he lay down and
pretended to be fast asleep. Presently the swan crept out, and
feeling his hands, feet, and body with her beak, was satisfied
that he slept. Then slowly taking off her swan skin, she
became absorbed in the worship of her country's gods. And
the lad seeing his opportunity, grasped the swan plumage and
thrust it into the hearth, so that it was singed, and the smell of
the feathers filled the place. And the maiden, smelling the
burning feathers, cried, " What have you done to me ? What
have you done to me ? " So saying, she fell down in a faint and
seemed as one dead. But the lad, taking his vessel of oil,
anointed her with it, and fanned her gently with the yak's tail,
till she came to. And so they married, and begat many sons
and daughters, and lived happily ever after. And that's all !

Jfaehari.i.

MAP SHOWING AREA O

) BY THE BODO RACES

INDEX

INDEX

Adoption, 30

Agglutinative verb, 78

Ahom, domination over Chutiyas,

• • etc., 6

Ahom, marriage rites among Morans,

89

Altar, domestic, 42
Ancestors, worship of, 34
Animism, 33
Areca nut (name of a clan), 26

B

Bamboo groves (as totems), 26

Banhbaroi (bamboo-grove clan), 26

Baras (statistics of), 5

Bargaya clan, 93

Basumati-aroi clan (among Baras), 25

Bathan brai (household god), 35

Bathan (euphorbia), as a god, 36

Beggars (as a clan), 25

Bhima (traditional ancestor of Ka-

chdris in Kachar), 7
Bibizia-aroi (the beggars' clan), 25
Bihar (traditional ancestor of Chuti-
yas), 90

Bihu festival, 34, 49
Bing-bing-aroi (the musician clan), 26
Birth ceremonies, 41
Bodo place-names, 4
Brahmaroi (the priestly clan), 26
Brahmins, satire on, 63
Bride price, 31, 44

among Chutiyas, 95

among Morans, 89
Burial, 46

among Chutiyas, 96

among Meches, 87

among Morans, 89

among Rabhas, 85
Burial mounds, 89
Burmese origin of Morans, 88

0

Capture, marriage by, 43

among Morans, 89
Castor-oil plant, 20
Cattle taking a share in festivals, 51
Ceremonies at birth, 41
Chaklang marriage, among Morans,

89
Chastity, rules of, 30

among Hajongs, 86
Cholera, worship to avert, 39
Chutiyas, 5, 90

in Western Assam, 91

history of, 6

clans among, 93
Clans (exogamous), among Meches, 82

(female), among Dimasa, 27

(male) „ „ 27

(totemistic) among Kacharis, 24,
27

(totemistic) among Meches, 27
Counting, system of among Bodos, 73
" Copper " temple at Sadiya, 93
Corvde among Kacharis, 13
Cremation, among Kacharis, 48

among Chutiyas, 96

among Hajongs, 87

among Morans, 89

among Rabhas, 85
Crops, 14

D

Daha (or dasa) ceremony, 89
Datiyals (nickname for Rabhas), 83
Deceased husband's brother (marriage

with), 29

Deities (or modais), 33
Deodani (female exorcist), 40
Deoris (as priests), 24, 39, 90, 91
Dhekia-bari-aroi (fern-clan), 26
Dhimals (statistics of), 5
Dibongia clan, 93
Dimapur, founding of, 6

126

INDEX

Di-ma-sa (how separated from Bara-
fisa), 8

statistics of, 5
Ding-aroi (clan of makers of bamboo

water-vessels), 26
Disease, beliefs as to, 33
Distribution of Bodo races, 4
Divorce, among Kacharis, 31

among Chutiyas, 95

among Hajongs, 86

among Morans, 89
Doi-ma-aroi, river-clan, 25
Domestic festivities, 49
Dower, recovery of, on divorce, 31

E

Earth (as a totem), 25
Elopement, marriage by, 43
Emao, ferment used in making rice-
beer, 18
Endogamous clans among Chutiyas,

91
Endogamy in Kachari clans, 29

in royal clan among Dimasa, 28
Eri or Eranda (castor-oil plant), 20
.Sri-cloth, market value of, 21
Euphorbia plant held sacred, 30
Exogamy among Di-ma-sa, 27

among Meches, 82

among Rabhas, 83
Exorcism, 40

Girapi-gira (male and female deities

of Chutiyas), 93
Gods, Household, 35-36

village, 35

Goi-bari-aroi (areca nut clan), 26
Govinda-Chandra, last Kachari King

of Kachar, 7
Grammar, 71 et seq

Hachum-sa (royal endogamous clan),

28

Ha(i)jongs (statistics of), 5
Hajong tribe, 85
Harvest festivities, 38, 49
Harvesting, method of, 13
Headhunting, 32
Heroes as deities, 38
Hidamba (reputed ancestor of

Meches;, 82
Hindu influence among Morans, 88

among Rabhas, 85
Hojais, clans of, 27

statistics of, 5
Houses, nature of, 11
Household gods, 35
Human sacrifices, 93
Hunting, 15
Hypergamy, among R4bhas, 83

among Kacharis, 29

F

Fadam-aroi (a tree clan), 27
Festivals (domestic), 49

(tribal), 49
Fishing, 16
Fish, dried, use of, 15
Fish, as physician, 58
Fish-traps, 16
Folk-tales, 54-70

,, ,, Appendix II.
Food, 14

Food offered to corpse, 46
Funeral ceremony, 46
Furniture, etc., 12

G

Gamari tree, 20

Gandhret-aroi (Kachari clan), 25

Garos, 81

statistics of, 5
Garo tradition as to Bodo origins, 3

Idols, use of, 40
Infant marriage, absence of, 44
Inheritance, rules of, 32
Initiation (of children), 42

of Kacharis into Rabha tribe, 84
Irrigation, system of, 12

Jungle-grass, as a totem, 25
Jute, as a totem, 25

K

Kachari dwdrs, probable origin of, 8
Kacharis as labourers on tea estates,

14

Kapahiyas (Moran sub-tribe), 87
Khagrabariya tribe, 10
Khang Khlo-aroi, clan of among

Kacharis, 25

INDEX

127

Khaspur, founding of, 6
Kherkhat-aroi (squirrel-clan), 27
Koch, Kingdom of, 5
Koches, statistics of, 5
Kurung& tree, 20
Kuvera as a Kachari deity, 38
in Chutiy£ legends, 90

Labour, forced, 13

Lalungs, statistics of, 5

Language (Kachari) account of, 71
(Chutiy£), account of, 92
(Rabhd), account of, 83

Leeches (as a clan totem), 25

Loom, material and cost, 20

M

Mahaliya, statistics of, 5
Mahalaroi (trader-clan), 27
Maibong, founding of, 6
Mai-nao, (household goddess), 36

as goddess of harvest, 37
Mao-mararoi, clan name taken from

habitat of clan, 27
Marriage of Kacharis, 43

of Chutiyas, 94, 95

of Rabhas, 85
Marriage, Kachari ceremony of, 45

Mech ceremony of, 82

feasts, 46

Married life among Kacharis, 23
Mech tribe described, 81

statistics of, 5

Meches, totemistic clans of, 27
Midwives or dais, 41
Milk, dislike of, 15
Mleccha, probable origin of the word

" Mech," 81
Modais (or deities), 33
Morans, statistics of, 5
Morans, description of tribe, 87
" Moran Kacharis," 87
Mos4-aroi, Kachari tiger clan, 26
Mosquito festival, 49
Musicians as a clan, 26

N

Nal-bariya, tribe of Kacharis, 10

Naming of children, 42

Narzi-aroi (Kachari clan), see ' jute,'

25
Natural forces, worship of, 34

Net, use of in the chase, 15
Number, mystic, 41, 47, 48

0

Ojhas or exercisers, 24, 40
Ordeal by chewing rice, 31
Origin of Bodo Race, 3
Moran race, 88

Palhd (fish-trap), 16

Paramarthis (Hajong sub-tribe), 86

Para6u Ram in Chutiy£ legend, 90

Patorgiy£ clan, 93

Penance on death of totem animal, 28

Phatika (distilled spirits), 19

Phulgariyas, (see Mahaliya), 5

Pisha-dem& (Chutiy& deity), 93

Pisha-si (Chutiy& goddess), 93

Polyandry, non-existence of, 30

Polygamy, 30

among Chutiyas, 95
Presents, marriage, 45, 46
Price of grave paid to deity of spot,

47,48
Priests, 24, 39

among Chutiyas, 93
Propitiation by sacrifice, 34

R

Rabhas, 83.

statistics of, 5
Ram-sa-aroi (sons of Rama, Kachari,

clan), 26

Raond and Raoni, story of, as explan-
ation of lightning, 68
Ravana, as possible source of Kachari

fable, 70
Religion of Kacharis, 33

of Morans, 88

of Hajongs, 86

of Rabhas, 84

Rice-beer, preparation of, 17
Rice-crop, how grown, 12
Rivers as deities averting disease, 39

called by Bodo names in Assam, 4

creation of, 55

worship of, 36, 59

worshipped by Deori Chutiyas, 92

8

Sacred groves (or thansalis), 35
Sacrifice of animals, 29, 41

128

INDEX

Sadiya, original seat of Chutiya King-
dom, 90

Sangla tree, 20

Santi-jal, water used for ceremonial
purification, 29

iSaraniyas, (see Mahaliyas), 5

Seasons, personified, 59

Sengfang, name of male clan, 27

Service in lieu of brideprice, 44
among Chutiyas, 95

Sessamum as a totem, 25

Shares in inherited property, 32

Sibing-aroi, Kachari clan, 25

Siju plant, held sacred, 30

Sila-rai as a deity, 38

Silk (eri) culture, 19

Silkworms, 19

S~iva worshipped by Meches in place
of Bathau, 82

Solanimiyas, statistics of, 5

Songs sung at festivals, 51

Spirits (distilled), 19

Spirits unable to cross water, 47

Squirrel, as a totem, 27

Sraddha (among Hajongs), 87
(observed by Meches), 83

Sri, god of good luck, 57

Survival after death, 38

Swarga-aroi, clan of, 24

Telani ceremony, 89
Tenga-paniya clan, 93
Thansali or sacred grove, 35
Thunder and Lightning, beliefs as to,

68
Tibetan origin of Bodos, tradition as

to, 3
Tiger as a totem, 25

as a deity, 37
Tipperas, statistics of, 5
Totemistic clans, 24
Totems (1) Heaven, 24

(2) Earth, 25

(3) Tiger, 25, 82

Totems —

(4) Junglegrass, 25

(5) Sessamum, 25

(6) Leech, 25

(7) Jute, 25

(8) Rivers, 25, 82

(9) Bamboo water vessels, 26

(10) Bamboos, 82 .

(11) Areca-nut, 26, 82

(12) Ferns, 26

(13) Squirrels, 27

(14) Fadam tree, 27
Totlas, nickname of Rabhas, 83

U

Umbilical cord, severing of, 41
Uncleanness (ceremonial), of a mother,
42

Villages, description of, 1 1

Village gods, 35

Vyavacaris (Hajong sub-tribe), 86

W

Water, reverence for, 34
Weaving, process of, 21
Widow-marriage (Kachari), 29

(among Hajongs), 87

(among Rabhas), 85
Wizards (among Chutiyas), 92
Women, employed in catching fish,

16

Women's domestic duties, 37
Women, status of, 22

Zakhai (fish trap), 16
Zu or rice beer, 14

preparation of, 17
Zulu, name of female clan, 27

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